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WASHINGTON 


AS  AN 


EMPLOYER  AND   IMPORTER 


OF 


LABOR. 


BROOKLYN,   N.  Y.: 

PRIVATELY  PRINTED. 

1889. 


Five  hundred  copies  printed. 


LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
SANTA  BARBARA 


CONTENTS. 


PAGB 

INTRODUCTORY  NOTE v 

CONTRACTS,  AGREEMENTS,  ETC 25 

A  Joiner 25 

Overseer  on  the  Home  Plantation 27 

Overseer  for  an  Outlying  Plantation 28 

Agreement  to  Dispose  of  Crops 34 

Stocking  a  Plantation 36 

Comparison  between  the  Cost  of  Weaving  on  the  Plan- 
tation and  Importing  Similar  Cloths 40 

A  Carpenter 41 

A  Gardener 43 

Hire  of  a  Negro .    .   .   .  - 45 

IMPORTING  PALATINES,  1774 47 

Washington  to  James  Tilghman,  Jr 47 

Robert  Adam  to  Washington 49 

Washington  to  Henry  Riddell 51 

Henry  Riddell  to  Washington 55 

John  Ross  to  Robert  Adam 57 

Washington  to  Henry  Riddell 59 

Henry  Riddell  to  Washington 61 

(iii) 


IV 


Washington  to  Henry  Riddell 62 

Henry  Riddell  to  Washington 64 

Jno.  David  Woelper  to  Washington 65 

James  Tilghman,  Jr.  to  Washington 71 

ADVERTISEMENT  OF  RUNAWAY  SERVANTS 74 

FORM  OF  INDENTURE  OR  COVENANT  FOR  SERVANTS.  .  .  76 


INTRODUCTORY  NOTE. 


THE  economy  of  a  newly  established  colony  is  long 
greatly  influenced  by  a  scarcity  of  labor.  The  first 
necessity  is  to  meet  the  requirements  of  its  own  people ; 
but  this  done,  the  conditions  favorable  to  production 
incident  to  a  virgin  territory,  a  temperate  climate,  and 
a  notable  capacity  for  raising  produce  of  commercial 
importance,  soon  outstrip  the  labor  available  for  pro- 
duction. The  riches  so  lavishly  offered  by  nature 
create  a  market  for  labor,  and  the  artificial  stimulus 
of  legislation  may  heighten  the  demands  for  this  com- 
modity. Virginia,  in  colonial  days,  was  in  this  posi- 
tion. The  fiscal  system  in  operation  among  the  lead- 
ing European  nations  had  induced  the  prohibition  of 
the  culture  of  tobacco  throughout  the  greater  part  of 
that  continent,  and  the  production  of  this  plant  had 
become  largely  centralized  in  the  two  English  planta- 
tions of  Maryland  and  Virginia,  the  annual  export 
being  about  96,000  hogsheads.  Of  this  only  about  14,- 
ooo  were  actually  consumed  by  Great  Britain,  the  re- 
mainder passing  through  the  hands  of  her  merchants  to 
be  distributed  among  the  markets  of  Continental  Eu- 
rope, an  arrangement,  enforced  by  legislation,  and  en- 
uring largely  to  the  profit  of  the  English  and  Scotch 

(  v  )  factors, 


factors,  but  at  the  expense  of  the  planter.  The  latter 
sold  in  a  monopoly  market,  for  he  could  sell  only  in 
Great  Britain  ;  and  all  his  purchases  were  made  in  a  like 
market,  for  the  essence  of  the  commercial  system  of  the 
day  was  to  make  him  dependent,  commercially  and  in- 
dustrially, on  the  mother  country. 

To  produce  this  tobacco,  a  large  supply  of  labor  was 
necessary,  and  the  larger,  because  the  most  wasteful 
form  of  labor  was  generally  employed — that  of  slaves. 
It  has  been  estimated  that  while  a  single  laborer  can 
cultivate  twenty  acres  of  corn  or  wheat,  he  would  be 
unable  to  manage  more  than  two  acres  of  tobacco :  * 
and  if  we  take  the  average  production  of  a  slave  at  1000 
pounds  of  tobacco  a  year  (an  estimate  suggested  by 
Adam  Smith),  it  will  easily  be  seen  that  a  very  large 
number  of  negroes  was  necessary.  The  proportion  of 
blacks  to  whites  throughout  the  colony  has  been  esti- 
mated to  have  been  about  four  to  one,  but  this  is  an 
excessive  figure  for  the  slaves.  It  is  safe  however  to 
say  that  in  Virginia  the  slaves  were  about  equal  to  one- 
half  of  the  white  population,  and  in  Maryland  the  pop- 
ulation was  about  the  same.  The  capital  invested  in 
slaves  was  thus  large,  and  they  were  regarded  as 
"real  estate,"  as  specially  provided  for  in  the  wills 
and  transfers  as  the  land  and  plantation  build- 
ings. The  direct  trade  between  Europe  and  the  two 
tobacco  colonies  was  of  a  limited  character,  confined 
principally  to  the  transport  of  tobacco  from  the  colo- 
nies, and  manufactures  from  Great  Britain.  A 
' '  Guinea ' '  ship,  whose  cargo  was  slaves,  rarely  came 

*  Russell,  Agriculture  and  Climate  of  North  America,  141. 

to 


to  those  parts,  as  it  was  more  convenient  for  it  to 
go  to  the  sugar  plantations  of  the  British  West  Indies, 
and  exchange  its  living  freight  for  the  sugar  that 
was  to  be  turned  into  rum  in  New  England — the  cur- 
rency that  found  a  ready  circulation  in  Africa.  The 
supply  of  negroes  that  Virginia  required  was  obtained 
from  the  West  Indies,  or,  when  a  northern  province 
wished  to  get  rid  of  what  slaves  it  had,  by  shipments 
from  the  north. 

These  slaves  were  completely  at  the  will  of  their 
owners,  and,  as  a  rule,  appear  to  have  been  well  treated 
and  cared  for  so  far  as  housing,  clothing  and  food  were 
concerned.  Instances  may  be  cited  of  cruelty,  of  un- 
usual punishment  for  the  natural  indolence  of  the 
black,  or  for  outbursts  of  their  animal  natures.  The 
country  was  in  perpetual  fear  of  outbreaks  and  revolts, 
and  few  possibilities  were  regarded  with  greater  terror, 
or  could  inspire  more  intense  feelings — as  was  shown 
by  the  wave  of  indignation  and  abhorrence  that  fol- 
lowed Dunmore's  attempt  to  arm  the  slaves  against 
their  masters.  An  intractable  or  disagreeable  slave 
was  usually  got  rid  of  by  being  shipped  to  and  sold  in 
the  West  Indies.  In  1766  Washington  sent  to  those 
islands,  to  be  exchanged  for  spirits,  rum  and  sweet- 
meats, an  ' '  exceedingly  hearty ' '  negro,  good  at  the 
hoe,  but  a  "rogue  and  a  runaway,"  and  suggesting 
that  he  would  sell  well  if  "  kept  clean  and  trim'd  up  a 
little."  In  the  Boston  Evening  Post  for  1761,  a  skip- 
per offered  to  take  in  exchange  for  "  small  likely  " 
negroes,  "any  negro  men,  strong  and  hearty,  tho?  not 
of  the  best  moral  character,  which  are  proper  subjects 
for  transportation." 

Their 


8 

Their  value,  however,  was  one  of  the  reasons  for 
good  treatment.  A  planter  could  not  afford  to  mal- 
treat them.  In  the  twenty  years  previous  to  the  Revolu- 
tion, their  market  price  was  greatly  increased,  although 
the  management  of  estates  was  just  about  to  so  change 
as  to  make  their  labor  no  longer  profitable — the  culti- 
vation of  wheat  supplanting  that  of  tobacco.  Of 
course,  mere  quotations  of  money  prices  will  not  be 
conclusive  evidence  of  this  rise  in  value,  as  so  much 
would  depend  upon  the  quality  of  the  slave,  the  con- 
dition of  the  slave  market,  and  the  valuation  of  the 
paper  money  of  the  province.  In  1754  Washington 
bought  a  "fellow"  for  .£40.  5;  another  (Jack)  for 
^52.  5,  and  a  negro  woman  (Clio),  for  ^50.  In  1756, 
he  purchased  of  the  Governor  (Dinwiddie)  a  negro 
woman  and  child  for  ^60,  and  two  years  later  a  fellow 
(Gregory)  for  ^60.  9.  In  the  following  year  (the  year 
of  his  marriage)  he  bought  largely  ;  a  negro  (Will)  for 
^50 ;  another  for  £60 ;  nine  for  ^406,  an  average  of 
^35  ;  and  a  woman  (Hannah)  and  child,  ^80.  In 
1762  he  added  to  the  number  by  purchasing  seven  of 
Lee  Massey  for  ,£300  (an  average  of  ,£43),  and  two  of 
Col.  Fielding  Lewis,  at  ,£115 — or  ^57.  10  apiece. 
From  the  estate  of  Francis  Hubbs  he  bought  in  1764, 
Ben,  ^72,  Lewis,  .£36.  10,  and  Sarah,  ^20.  Another 
fellow,  bought  of  Sarah  Alexander,  cost  him  £76 ;  and 
a  negro  (Judy)  and  child,  sold  by  Garvin  Corbin,  ,£63. 
In  1768,  Mary  Lee  sold  him  two  mulattoes  (Will  and 
Frank)  for  ,£61.15  and  £5®>  respectively  ;  and  two 
boys  (negroes),  Adam  and  Frank,  for  £19  apiece. 

The  association  that  followed  the  stamp  act  troubles 

may 


may  have  influenced  prices,  for  after  1769  there  occurs 
a  notable  rise.  In  1770,  a  negro  fellow  (Bath)  was 
sold  for  ;£66. 10,  and  "at  publick  vendue  in  1773,  a 
fellow  (Ned)  for  ,£72  and  a  girl  Murria,  ^49 . 10. "  The 
quotations  for  this  commodity  for  1772,  bear  out  this 
assertion :  Anthony,  £jo ;  lyondon,  ^65  ;  Strephon, 
^"50 ;  and  James  and  Isaac  ^90  each.  These  are  the 
last  purchases  I  find  noted ;  but  it  will  be  seen  that 
with  75  or  80  slaves  on  his  different  plantations,  Wash- 
ington had  quite  a  handsome  amount  invested  in  that 
form.  It  was  a  very  uncertain  form,  also;  for  the 
blacks  were  liable  to  run  away ;  they  might  be  swept 
away  by  small-pox,  gaol  fever  or  any  other  malignant 
disorder,  by  no  means  uncommon  in  the  country ;  sick- 
ness was  so  frequent  that  Dr.  John  Laurie  was  paid 
;£i5  a  year  for  attending  to  all  his  people  in  Fairfax 
county.  This  was  not  exorbitant,  but  I  fear  the  Doc- 
tor's reliability  was  not  worth  a  high  price,  for  on 
April  gth,  1760,  I  find  the  entry  in  Washington's  Diary 
"Doctor  L,awrie  came  here,  I  may  add,  drunk." 
July  19,  1760,  "Received  a  letter  from  my  overseer 
Hardwick  informing  me  that  the  small-pox  was  sur- 
rounding the  plantations  he  overlooked."  In  the  win- 
ter of  1759-60  he  lost  four  negroes  by  that  disease. 
The  daily  notes  of  Washington  show  much  sickness 
among  his  slaves,  so  the  Doctor  undoubtedly  earned  his 
wages. 

There  was  a  number  of  more  intelligent  negroes, 
capable  of  working  at  some  trade,  like  carpentering, 
wood  joining,  etc.  who  were  hired  of  their  owners  by 
planters  needing  their  services  for  limited  periods.  A 

carpenter 


IO 

carpenter  was  rented  out  in  1756  for  £20  a  year;  and 
the  form  of  such  a  lease  in  given  in  this  volume.  I  do 
not  find,  however,  that  this  was  a  common  occurrence. 
Next  to  the  slave  conies  the  indentured  or  "cove- 
nant servant. ' '  A  contract  entered  into  by  such  a  ser- 
vant for  his  transportation  is  given  in  full  in  the  appen- 
dix. On  arriving  at  the  plantation  the  skipper  would 
dispose  of  the  covenant  servant  for  the  time  covenanted 
at  a  price  which,  like  that  of  the  slave,  was  controlled  by 
the  skill  or  strength  of  the  servant,  and  the  demand 
for  such  labor.  This  was  usually  terms  very  profit- 
able to  the  skipper;  for  ^30  was  a  fair  price  for  a 
servant  of  average  abilities,  and  the  expenses  of  trans- 
porting the  man  were  about  £6  to  ^13  at  the  most. 
In  1773  Washington  paid  ,£35  for  a  gardener  and  £6, 
10.  9  for  his  passage  from  Leeds ;  the  year  before  he 
had  bought  an  indented  servant  (Andrew  Judge)  for 

£3P- 

"They  [these  servants]  were  treated  as  part  of  the 
body  of  citizens,  and  were  compelled  to  bear  arms  and 
do  militia  duty.  They  were  prevented  from  running 
away  and  from  vagrancy  by  severe  penalties  and  rigid 
laws.  All  servants,  '  whether  by  indenture,  or  accord- 
ing to  the  custom  of  the  country,  or  hired  for  wages,' 
were  liable  to  be  taken  up  as  runaways  if  caught  ten 
miles  from  home  without  written  permission  from  their 
masters.  If  absent  without  leave,  ten  days  were  to  be 
added  to  their  term  of  service  for  every  day's  absence. 
The  person  who  harbored  a  runaway  was  fined  500 
pounds  of  tobacco  for  each  twenty-four  hours,  and  to  be 
whipped  if  unable  to  pay  the  fine.  There  was  a  stand- 
ing reward  of  200  pounds  of  tobacco  for  taking  up  run- 
aways, and  Indians  who  captured  such  vagrants  were 

given 


II 

given  a  match  coat  for  each  runaway  they  took.  Trad- 
ing with  servants  without  permission  of  masters  was  a 
finable  offence.  But  the  law  was  just  as  well  as  severe. 
It  gave  servants  the  right  of  petition  in  county  courts. 
It  compelled  redemptioners  to  be  brought  into  court  to 
have  their  ages  determined.  If  they  were  transported 
servants  without  indentures,  they  were  to  be  sold  for  a 
term  of  five  years,  if  over  22  years  old ;  if  between  the 
ages  of  18  and  22,  six  years;  if  between  15  and  18, 
seven  years;  under  15,  to  serve  until  22  years  old. 
Their  term  of  service  was  deemed  to  begin  from  the 
moment  the  vessel  anchored,  and  in  no  case  later  than 
fourteen  days  after  her  coming  inside  the  Capes.  If 
master,  mistress,  or  overseer  starved,  ill-lodged,  ill- 
clothed,  or  overworked  servants,  excessively  beat  or 
abused  them,  or  gave  them  more  than  ten  lashes  for 
any  offence,  they  were  fined  1000  pounds  of  tobacco, 
and  if  convicted  three  times,  the  servant  was  set  free. 
If  a  greater  correction  was  needed  by  servants,  they 
must  be  taken  before  a  magistrate.  When  they  became 
free  at  the  end  of  their  term  of  service,  servants  received 
a  '  freedom  due. '  This  was  explicitly  defined  in  the 
statute.  '  Every  man  servant,  according  to  the  custom 
of  the  country,  shall  have  given  to  him  at  the  expira- 
tion of  his  term  of  service  :*  one  new  hat,  one  new 
suit  (coat  and  breeches)  of  kersey  or  broad  cloth,  a 
white  linen  shift,  a  pair  of  French  fall  shoes,  stockings, 
two  houghs,  one  axe,  one  gun  of  twenty  shillings  value, 
not  above  four  feet  in  the  barrel,  nor  under  three  and  a 
half  feet, '  to  be  delivered  to  him  in  the  presence  of  a 
magistrate,  and  which  he  was  forbidden  to  sell  during 
the  first  twelve  months,  together  with  a  supply  of  am- 
munition. Woman  servants  were  to  have  a  waistcoat 
and  petticoat  of  '  new  half-thick  or  Permistone,  a  new 
shift  of  white  linen,  shoes  and  stockings,  a  blue  apron, 

*  "  By  your  freedom  dues  according  to  the  custom  of  the  country,  ^"3.  10." 
Entry  in  Washington's  Ledger. 

two 


12 

two  white   linen  caps,  and   three  barrels  of  Indian 
corn.'"* 

Such  is  a  summary  of  the  laws  of  Maryland  apply- 
ing to  redemptioners,  or  covenant  servants,  and  in 
Virginia  the  legislation  was  nearly  the  same.  In  spite 
of  this  protection,  the  condition  of  these  laborers  be- 
came bad  as  the  dependence  on  slave  labor  became 
greater  ;  and  while  in  the  beginning  their  position  was 
better  than  that  of  an  apprentice  in  England,  being 
better  clothed,  better  fed,  better  housed,  and  worked  less 
continuously  or  severely,  yet  just  before  the  Revolution 
they  were  described  as  ' '  groaning  under  a  worse  than 
Egyptian  bondage." 

A  genuine  redemptioner  was,  often,  a  laborer  of  good 
intelligence  and  skill,  possessed  of  a  knowledge  of  some 
' '  art  or  mystery  ' '  acquired  by  an  apprenticeship  in  the 
mother  country.  This  class  represented  the  skilled 
labor  of  the  colony,  and  could  find  a  ready  market  at  a 
fair  price.  There  were  also  men  of  education  among 
them.  Washington  is  said  to  have  received  his  first 
schooling  at  the  hands  of  an  indentured  servant ;  Archi- 
bald Alexander,  the  elder,  was  taught  the  rudiments 
of  L,atln  by  such  a  one.  Alsop  and  Hammond,  who 
have  written  of  Maryland,  were  redemptioners.  And 
in  Maryland  these  servants  were  so  common  that  Gov- 
ernor Sharpe  could  write  in  1755,  that  "the  planters' 
fortunes  here  consist  in  the  number  of  their  servants 
(who  are  purchased  at  high  rates),  much  as  the  estates 
of  an  English  farmer  do  in  the  multitude  of  cattle." 
And  in  1756,  when  British  recruiting  officers  were 

•Scharf,  II.  15. 

scouring 


13 

scouring  the  province  for  recruits,  he  wrote  :  ' '  Few  but 
indented  servants  have  enlisted  .  .  .  and  that  method 
of  recruiting  will  distress  the  country  infinitely  more 
than  a  decimation  of  its  free  inhabitants." 

Not  every  imported  servant  was  considered  of  value  ; 
the  number  might  be  so  large  that  the  colonies  could 
not  absorb  them,  and  thus  demoralize  the  market,  or 
they  might  be  of  such  quality  as  not  to  make  them  a 
desirable  acquisition  for  a  plantation.  Of  the  former 
we  may  count  the  German  emigration  to  Pennsylvania, 
and  of  the  latter,  the  kidnapped  or  transported  convicts. 
This  movement  of  the  Palatines  has  interest  in  con- 
nection with  the  present  issue,  because  of  the  wish  of 
Washington  to  import  a  number  for  settling  his  western 
lands ;  but  as  the  movement  was  voluntary,  in  large 
numbers,  and  for  the  purposes  of  settlement,  I  pass  over 
it  for  the  moment,  and  take  up  the  transportation  of 
convicts. 

The  practice  of  sending  to  America  what  it  was  trou- 
blesome for  England  to  maintain,  was  much  older  than 
the  reign  of  the  House  of  Hanover  in  England.  ' '  In 
1619  James  I,  issued  an  order  that  certain  vile  and  dis- 
solute persons  who  swarmed  the  streets  of  London 
should  be  arrested  and  sent  to  Virginia.  The  city 
companies,  at  the  request  of  the  Lord  Mayor,  voted  a 
considerable  sum  towards  paying  the  expenses  of  their 
shipment,  and  at  the  same  time  determined  to  send  a 
hundred  destitute  children  with  them.  In  1687  Judge 
Jeffries  sent  a  large  number  of  those  who  had  been 
convicted  of  rebellion  in  the  Monmouth  insurrection  to 
Virginia,  but  these  were  afterwards  pardoned  and 

returned 


returned  from  exile.  The  position  of  these. people  in 
Virginia  was  that  of  '  conditional  servitude. '  "  *  In 
1662  the  justices  of  peace  in  any  county  could  sen- 
tence "  such  rogues,  vagabonds,  and  sturdy  beggars" 
as  might  be  adjudged  to  be  "incorrigible"  to  be 
transported  to  ' '  any  of  the  English  plantations  beyond 
the  seas"  (13  &  14  Car.  II,  c.  12.) 

By  a  law  passed  in  1717  (4  Geo.  i,  c.  n),  persons 
convicted  of  offenses  within  the  benefit  of  clergy,  ex- 
cept receivers  and  buyers  of  stolen  goods,  and  persons 
convicted  of  exporting  wool  or  wool  fells,  should  be 
sent  to  the  Plantations  for  seven  years,  the  court  that 
passed  the  conviction  contracting  for  their  transporta- 
tion. For  greater  offenses,  such  as  were  excluded 
from  the  benefit  of  clergy,  they  might  be  transported 
for  14  years,  or  a  term  fixed  by  the  court,  and  the  per- 
sons contracting  for  their  transportation  should  have  a 
property  and  interest  in  the  service  of  the  offenders  for 
that  term  of  years.  The  contractor  was  to  give  bond 
for  the  effectual  transport  of  the  criminal.  "And 
whereas,"  the  act  continued,  "there  are  many  idle 
persons  who  are  under  the  age  of  one  and  twenty 
years,  lurking  about  in  divers  parts  of  London,  and 
elsewhere,  who  want  employment,  and  may  be  tempted 
to  become  thieves,  if  not  provided  for :  and  whereas 
they  may  be  inclined  to  be  transported,  and  to  enter 
into  service  in  some  of  his  Majesty's  colonies  and  Plan- 
tations in  America ;  but  as  they  have  no  power  to  con- 
tract for  themselves,  and  therefore  that  it  is  not  safe  for 
merchants  to  transport  them,  or  take  them  into  such 

*Stille,  in  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History  and  Biography,  January,  1889. 

services, ' ' 


15 

services,"  it  was  provided  that  merchants  or  others 
might  contract  with  persons  of  the  age  of  15  and  under 
21,  to  serve  them  in  America  for  any  period  not  ex- 
ceeding 8  years.  The  provisions  of  this  act  were  not 
extended  to  Scotland  until  1766,  and  in  the  meantime 
(1734)  assault  with  intent  to  commit  robbery  was  in- 
cluded among  felonies  punishable  by  a  transportation 
of  seven  years  (7  Geo.  2,  c.  21).  These  appear  to 
have  been  the  laws  under  which  convicts  were  trans- 
ported to  America  until  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolu- 
tion, when  a  change  was  made  to  solitary  confinement, 
hard  labor  on  the  Thames  galleys,  or  transportation  to 
other  of  the  British  possessions. 

It  is  very  natural  to  find  the  colonies  objecting  to  this 
practice  of  dumping  the  dangerous  classes  of  England 
on  to  their  shores.  But  the  trade  was  too  profitable  to 
the  contractor  to  be  easily  broken  down.  One  of  these 
contractors  testified  in  1779  that  he  paid  the  govern- 
ment ^5  a  head  for  transportable  convicts,  and  sold 
them  in  Virginia  and  Maryland  at  prices  ranging 
from  /"TO  for  males  not  artificers,  to  ^15  and  ^25  for 
skilled  mechanics.  For  seven  years  he  had  transported 
on  the  average  473  convicts  annually  to  those  colonies. 
In  1 737  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette  called  attention  to  the 
arrival  of  a  vessel  bringing  66  indentures,  and  22  wigs, 
the  intention  being  to  wig  the  convicts  and  pass  them 
off  as  decent  servants.  In  1750  a  Philadelphia  writer 
said:  "In  what  could  Britain  injure  us  more  than 
emptying  her  jails  on  us?  What  must  we  think  of 
those  merchants  who,  for  the  sake  of  a  little  petty  gain, 
will  be  concerned  in  importing  and  disposing  of  these 

abominable 


i6 

abominable  cargoes. "  In  a  paper  attributed  by  Sparks 
to  Franklin,  contributed  to  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette, 
the  writer  said :  ' '  We  may  all  remember  the  time  when 
our  mother  country,  as  a  mark  of  her  parental  tender- 
ness, emptied  her  gaols  into  our  habitations,  'for  the 
better  peopling, '  as  she  expressed  it,  of  the  colonies.  It 
is  certain  that  no  due  returns  have  yet  been  made  for 
these  valuable  consignments.  We  are  therefore  much 
in  her  debt  on  that  account;  and,  as  she  is  of  late 
clamorous  for  the  payment  of  all  we  owe  her,  and  some 
of  our  debts  are  of  a  kind  not  so  easily  discharged,  I 
am  for  doing  what  is  in  our  power.  It  will  show  our 
good-will  as  to  the  rest.  The  felons  she  planted  among 
us  have  produced  such  an  amazing  increase,  that  we 
are  now  enabled  to  make  ample  remittance  in  the  same 
commodity."  And  he  proposed  that  every  English 
ship  coming  to  Pennsylvania  should  give  a  bond  en- 
gaging to  carry  back  to  Britain  at  least  one  felon  for 
every  fifty  tons  of  her  burthen.*  In  1755,  under  the 
idea  that  the  neighboring  colony  oi  Pennsylvania  and 
some  of  the  West  India  islands  had  enacted  a  similar 
law,  Maryland  imposed  a  duty  of  ^i  on  imported  ser- 
vants, but  the  duty  was  disallowed.  "It  is  truly  hard 
upon  the  Province,"  wrote  Cecil  Calvert  to  Governor 
Sharpe,  ' '  that  the  scum  and  dregs  of  the  people  here 
sent,  should  be  the  cause  of  ruin  to  honest  men  there." 
Washington  had  among  his  servants  a  few  such 
convicts.  In  1766  I  find  an  entry,  "By  expenses  to 
the  convict  ship,  3  dollars. ' '  But  it  is  difficult  to  dis- 
tinguish what  he  might  have  purchased  of  that  form 

*  Franklin's  Writings  (Sparks),  11.495. 

Of 


17 

of  import,  and  not  until  1774  have  I  noted  a  specific 
example.  Then,  at  the  very  time  he  was  considering 
the  expediency  of  importing  Palatines,  as  shown  in 
the  following  letters,  he  sent  Valentine  Crawford  to 
Baltimore  to  obtain  ten  servants  to  take  with  him  to 
the  Ohio.  "  I  have  purchased  for  you,"  wrote  Mr.  Mc- 
Gachen  of  that  city,  ' '  four  men  convicts,  four  indented 
servants  for  three  years,  and  a  man  and  his  wife  for 
four  years.  The  price  is,  I  think,  rather  high;  but 
as  they  are  country,  likely  people,  and  you  at  present 
wanted  them,  Mr.  Crawford  said  he  imagined  you 
would  be  well  satisfied  with  our  bargain.  I  have 
agreed  to  pay  ^no  sterling  for  them.  .  .  They  are  at 
present  scarce,  and  in  demand." 

The  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History  and  Biog- 
raphy for  1878,  contains  the  translation  of  an  essay  by 
Dr.  J.  G.  de  Hopps  Scheffer,  of  Amsterdam,  on  the 
' '  Mennonite  Emigration  to  Pennsylvania. '  '*  No  little 
light  is  thrown  upon  the  migration  from  the  German 
States  to  the  British  colonies  in  America,  and  there 
must  be  some  understanding  of  this  movement  of  pop- 
ulation before  the  full  meaning  of  the  letters  published 
in  this  pamphlet  can  be  grasped.  Late  in  the  seven- 
teenth century,  under  the  religious  persecutions  of  the 
time,  the  emigration  of  Swiss,  Palatines  and  lyit- 
thauers  to  Pennsylvania  began,  the  travellers  being 
assisted  in  their  long  voyage  by  their  co-religionists  in 
Holland  and  elsewhere.  The  first  settlements  were 
made  at  Germantown  and  along  the  Delaware,  but  the 
beginnings  were  so  unfavorable  as  to  discourage  those 

*  See  also  Rupp's  valuable  List  of  Emigrants  to  Pennsylvania. 

2  who 


i8 

who  had  an  interest  in  the  colonies,  and  as  early  as 
1709  the  inducement  of  assistance  was  taken  away. 
Certain  families  from  Worms,  who  wished  to  go  to 
Pennsylvania  in  1679,  were  described  as  "altogether 
very  poor  men,"  bringing  with  them  "scarcely  any- 
thing that  is  necessary  in  the  way  of  raiment  and 
shoes,  much  less  the  money  that  must  be  spent  for  fare 
from  here  [Rotterdam]  to  England,  and  from  there  on 
the  great  journey,  before  they  can  settle  in  that  foreign 
land."  The  English  Quakers  were  also  willing  to 
assist  the  persecuted  Palatines  to  get  beyond  the  reach 
of  their  persecutors,  and  it  was  no  uncommon  sight  to 
see  Mennonite  families  in  England  awaiting  an  oppor- 
tunity for  securing  passage  for  America.  The  govern- 
ment of  Bern,  burdened  with  its  overcrowded  prisons — 
a  situation  arising  from  the  religious  persecutions — 
sent  in  1710  a  number  to  Pennsylvania  ;  and  the  offers 
in  1717  of  an  English  agent  of  land  west  of  the  Alle- 
ghenies,  doubtless  influenced  many  to  migrate,  so 
many  as  to  attract  the  attention  of  the  Governor  of 
Pennsylvania.  (Colonial  Records,  III,  29.)  The  mi- 
gration continued  in  the  subsequent  years,  varying  in 
volume  with  the  political  situation  at  home  and  the 
reports  from  America.  Moreover  the  church  funds 
were  no  longer  applied  to  assist  needy  emigrants,  and 
it  was  doubtless  for  this  reason,  more  than  any  other, 
that  the  movement  became  an  object  of  speculation. 
In  1765  we  find  mention  of  800  men.  women  and 
children,  brought  by  a  speculator  from  the  Palatinate, 
Franconia  and  Suabia,  to  England,  and  being  deserted 
there,  lay  in  Goodman's  Fields,  in  the  open  air  and 

without 


19 

without  food.*  The  number  of  Germans  in  Pennsyl- 
vania at  the  beginning  of  the  Revolution  is  not  known, 
but  they  must  have  formed  a  numerous  and  powerful 
body.  In  1738  Governor  Thomas  attributed  the  pros- 
perity of  the  province  "  in  a  great  measure ' '  to  the 
industry  of  these  people,  f  In  1751,  on  the  other  hand, 
Franklin  wrote  against  them,  fearing  that  their  great 
numbers  would  ' '  Germanize ' '  the  Province.  Why,  he 
asked,  ' '  should  the  Palatine  boors  be  suffered  to 
swarm  into  our  settlements,  and  by  herding  together, 
establish  their  language  and  manners,  to  the  exclusion 
of  our  own  ?"  J  Two  years  later  he  had  no  reason  to 
change  his  opinions.  ' '  Those  who  come  hither  are 
generally  the  most  stupid  of  their  own  nation,  and,  as 
ignorance  is  often  attended  with  credulity  when 
knavery  would  mislead  it,  and  with  suspicion  when 
honesty  would  set  it  right,  and  as  few  of  the  English 
understand  the  German  language,  and  so  cannot  ad- 
dress them  either  from  the  press  or  the  pulpit,  it  is 
almost  impossible  to  remove  any  prejudices  they  may 
entertain.  Their  clergy  have  very  little  influence  on 
the  people,  who  seem  to  take  a  pleasure  in  abusing  and 
discharging  the  minister  on  every  trivial  occasion. 
Not  being  used  to  liberty,  they  know  not  how  to  make 
a  modest  use  of  it.  And  as  Kolbur  says  of  the  young 
Hottentots,  that  they  are  not  esteemed  men  until  they 
have  shown  their  manhood  by  beating  their  mothers,  so 
these  seem  not  to  think  themselves  free,  till  they  can 

*  Francis,  Annals  of  Assurance,  142. 

+  Speech  to  the  Assembly. 

\  Works  (Bigelow's  edition),  II,  233. 

feel 


2O 

feel  their  liberty  by  abusing  and  insulting  their 
teachers.  Thus  they  are  under  no  restraint  from 
ecclesiastical  government ;  they  behave,  however,  sub- 
missively enough  at  present  to  the  civil  government, 
which  I  wish  they  may  continue  to  do — for  I  remember 
when  they  modestly  declined  intermeddling  in  our 
elections,  but  now  they  come  in  droves  and  carry  all 
before  them,  except  in  one  or  two  counties. 

' '  Few  of  their  children  in  the  country  know  Eng- 
lish. They  import  many  books  from  Germany;  and 
of  the  six  printing-houses  in  the  province,  two  are 
entirely  German,  two  half  German  half  English,  and 
but  two  entirely  English.  They  have  one  German 
newspaper,  and  one  half-German.  Advertisements,  in- 
tended to  be  general,  are  now  printed  in  Dutch  and 
English.  The  signs  in  our  streets  have  inscriptions 
in  both  languages,  and  in  some  places  only  German. 
They  begin  of  late  to  make  all  their  bonds  and  other 
legal  instruments  in  their  own  language,  which 
(though  I  think  it  ought  not  to  be)  are  allowed  good 
in  our  courts,  where  the  German  business  so  increases 
that  there  is  continued  need  of  interpreters;  and  I 
suppose  in  a  few  years  they  will  also  be  necessary  in 
the  Assembly,  to  tell  one-half  of  our  legislators  what 
the  other  half  say. 

"In  short,  unless  the  stream  of  their  importation 
could  be  turned  from  this  to  other  colonies,  as  you 
very  judiciously  propose,  they  will  soon  so  outnumber 
us  that  all  the  advantages  we  have  will,  in  my 
opinion,  be  not  able  to  preserve  our  language,  and 
even  our  government  will  become  precarious.  The 

French, 


21 

French,  who  watch  all  advantages,  are  now  them- 
selves making  a  German  settlement,  back  of  us,  in  the 
Illinois  country,  and  by  means  of  these  Germans  they 
may  in  time  come  to  an  understanding  with  ours ;  and, 
indeed,  in  the  past  war,  our  Germans  showed  a 
general  disposition  that  seemed  to  bode  us  no  good. 
For,  when  the  English,  who  were  not  Quakers, 
alarmed  by  the  danger  arising  from  the  defenceless 
state  of  our  country,  entered  unanimously  into  an 
association,  and  within  this  government  and  the 
Lower  Counties  raised,  armed  and  disciplined  near  ten 
thousand  men,  the  Germans,  except  a  very  few  in  pro- 
portion to  their  number,  refused  to  engage  in  it,  giving 
out,  one  amongst  another,  and  even  in  print,  that  if 
they  were  quiet,  the  French,  should  they  take  the 
country,  would  not  molest  them  ;  at  the  same  time 
abusing  the  Philadelphians  for  fitting  out  privateers 
against  the  enemy,  and  representing  the  trouble, 
hazard,  and  expense  of  defending  the  province,  as  a 
greater  inconvenience  than  any  that  might  be  expected 
from  a  change  of  government.  Yet  I  am  not  for  re- 
fusing to  admit  them  entirely  into  our  colonies;  all 
that  seems  to  me  necessary  is,  to  distribute  them  more 
equally,  mix  them  with  the  English,  establish  English 
schools  where  they  are  now  too  thick  settled,  and 
take  some  care  to  prevent  the  practice,  lately  fallen 
into  by  some  of  the  ship-owners,  of  sweeping  the 
German  gaols  to  make  up  the  number  of  their  passen- 
gers. I  say  I  am  not  against  the  admission  of  Ger- 
mans in  general,  for  they  have  their  virtues.  Their 
industry  and  frugality  are  exemplary.  They  are 

excellent 


22 

excellent  husbandmen,  and  contribute  greatly  to  the 
improvement  of  a  country."* 

It  would  naturally  follow,  that  in  a  country  so 
sparsely  settled  as  Virginia  then  was,  and  when  the 
servile  formed  such  a  notable  proportion  of  the  avail- 
able labor,  the  slaves  and  servants  would  frequently 
run  away  and  go  over  the  mountains  or  in  the  northern 
colonies,  where  the)*-  would  be  quite  free  from  pursuit 
and  where  they  might  take  up  land  for  themselves.  The 
slave  was  always  a  slave,  and  could  be  more  easily 
tracked  and  captured  ;  but  the  servant  was  readily 
disguised,  and  met  with  the  sympathy  and  assistance 
of  their  fellow  ' '  covenanters. ' '  The  newspapers  of  the 
day  are  filled  with  advertisements  for  runaways,  and 
derived  the  greater  part  of  their  income  from  that 
source.  I  give  in  full  one  inserted  by  Washington,  as 
an  example.  But  he  also  suffered  from  the  carelessness 
and  indolence  of  his  help,  and,  good  steward  as  he 
was,  often  met  with  loss  through  the  incapacity  or  dis- 
honesty of  his  servants  and  hired  laborers.  John 
Winter,  a  painter,  he  noted  in  1759,  "before  he  had 
near  finished  painting  my  house,  stole  a  good  deal  of 
my  paint  and  oil,  and  apprehensive  of  justice,  ran  off." 
A  wagoner,  John  Beard,  "after  driving  my  waggon 
about  four  months  at  the  rate  of  ^17.  10  per  annum, 
behaved  so  remarkably  ill,  as  to  oblige  me  to  turn  him 
off,  not  before  I  had  first  sustained  some  loss  by  his 
running  me  in  debt  in  many  places  of  the  road  he  used 
to  travel."  (1756.) 

*  Works,  II,  297-299. 

The 


23 

The  documents  printed  in  this  volume  are  all  copied 
from  originals,  and  follow  them  closely  in  spelling  and 
punctuation. 

WORTHINGTON  CHAUNCEY  FORD. 

Washington,  September  joth, 


CONTRACTS,  AGREEMENTS,  ETC. 


A  JOINER. 

ARTICLES  of  Agreement  made  indented  the  First 
day  of  September  One  Thousand  seven  hundred  and 
fifty-nine  Between  John  Askew  of  the  County  of  Fair- 
fax Joiner  of  the  one  part  and  George  Washington  of 
the  said  County  Gentleman  of  the  other  part  sheweth 
that  the  said  John  Askew  for  the  Considerations  herein- 
after mentioned  doth  oblige  himself  to  work  true  and 
faithfully  at  his  trade  as  a  Joiner  for  the  said  George 
Washington  during  the  space  of  one  whole  year  to  be- 
gin from  the  date  hereof — that  is  to  say  he  shall  work 
duely  from  sunrise  to  sunset  allowing  proper  times  only 
for  eating  and  if  he  shall  loose  any  time  at  his  said 
work  either  by  negligence  sickness  or  private  busi- 
ness of  his  own  the  days  and  hours  so  lost  is  to  be 
made  up  by  him  the  said  John  Askew  at  the  year's 
end.  And  the  said  John  Askew  doth  further  oblige 
himself  by  this  writing  to  work  at  all  times  and  in  all 
places  where  the  business  of  the  said  George  Washing- 
ton shall  require,  and  that  he  will  use  his  best  en- 
deavour's to  instruct  in  the  art  of  his  trade  any  negro 
or  negroes  which  the  said  George  Washington  shall 
cause  to  work  with  him  during  the  twelve-month — 

(25)  In 


26 

In  consideration  of  these  services  well  and  truely  per- 
formed, the  said  George  Washington  doth  promise  on 
his  part  to  let  the  said  John  Askew  and  his  wife  live  at 
a  plantation  adjoining  commonly  known  by  the  name 
of  Norths  without  paying  rent,  that  he  will  find  the 
said  John  good  and  wholesome  provision's  while  he  is 
at  work,  and  at  the  expiration  of  the  twelve  month 
fully  completed  agreeable  to  the  true  intent  hereof  pay 
him  the  current  sum  of  twenty-five  pounds  lawful 
money  of  Virginia.  For  the  just  performance  of  all 
each  of  these  articles  the  said  parties  have  inter- 
changeably put  their  hands  and  seals  the  day  and  year 
first  above  written.* 

JOHN  ASKEW,  [SEAI,.] 

G?  WASHINGTON.      [SEAT,.] 

Seal'd  and  Deliver'd 
in  the  Presence  of 
JOHN  AI/TON 
J*°  FOSTER 

*The  above  is  in  the  handwriting  of  Washington.  Much  time  appears  to 
have  been  lost,  for  the  £25  did  not  become  due  until  February  4,  1761. 
From  that  date  until  22  October  1761,  his  wages  amounted  to  £12,  is,  id, 
(afterwards  reduced  by  £i,  ifs,  yd,  Sundays  having  been  included  by  error,) 
and  Washington  then  appears  to  have  purchased  all  of  Askew"  s  tools,  pay- 
ing .^"38.  17-s,  nrf.  Some  work  was  subsequently  performed  by  Askew,  as 
iu  1765  he  was  paid  for  five  months  and  eight  days'  labor  at  the  rate  of  £4 
a  month,  and  in  December  of  the  same  year  he  received  pay  for  100^  days' 
work  at  the  same  rate.  In  1766  he  was  employed  by  Washington  to  oversee 
his  carpenters,  and  received  for  that  task,  ^"35.  This  arrangement  was 
probably  renewed  for  the  following  year,  but  death  or  migration  inter- 
vened in  April.  I  find  the  following  exact  entry  in  Washington's  Ledger  : 

"  By  his  wages  since  the  2ist  of  December,  when  his  year  ended  (i8# 
days  lost  time  being  first  made  up)  deducting  14  days  lost  since  the  com- 
mencement of  the  present  year,  at  ^"35  per  per  annum,  jgg,  153,  tod. 


27 


OVERSEER  ON  THE   HOME  PLANTATION. 

ARTICLES  of  Agreement  made  and  concluded  upon 
the  first  day  of  May  1762,  between  George  Washington 
of  Fairfax  County  Gent,  of  the  one  part,  and  Burgess 
Mitchell  of  the  Province  of  Maryland  of  the  other  part ; 
WITNESSETH,  that  the  said  Burgess  Mitchell  for  the 
consideration's  hereafter  to  be  mentioned,  doth  cove- 
nant and  agree  to  and  with  the  said  George  Washing- 
ton that  he  will  well  and  truely  serve  the  said  Washing- 
ton his  heirs  &c?  in  the  capacity  of  an  Overseer  at  his 
house  Plantation  till  the  end  of  October  next  ensuing 
— That  is  to  say,  he  doth  oblige  himself  under  the 
penalty  of  being  turned  of[f]  at  any  season  be- 
tween this  and  the  said  last  of  October,  and  of  forfeit- 
ing his  wages,  in  cases  of  failure  or  neglect,  to  observe 
and  fulfil  all,  and  each  of  these  several  articles  follow- 
ing— to  wit — He  is  to  attend  strictly  to  all  orders  and 
directions  which  he  shall  receive  from  the  said  George 
Washington  and  execute  them  with  the  greatest  care 
Expedition  and  exactness — He  is  to  remain  constantly 
with  the  People  over  whom  he  is  to  look,  and  never 
stir  from  them  during  their  hours  of  work,  but  at 
mealtimes — He  is  not  to  go  off  the  Plantation  (except 
on  Sundays)  without  asking  leave. — He  is  to  give  reg- 
ular attention  to  the  Stock  by  seeing  that  they  are 
always  in  place  and  treating  them  as  required. 
IvASTLY  the  said  Burgess  Mitchell  doth  oblige  himself 
under  the  penalty  above  mentioned  to  behave  himself 
soberly,  and  diligently  in  all  respects  endeavouring  by 

a  prudent 


28 

a  prudent  and  commendable  conduct  to  gain  the  good 
esteem  &  liking  of  his  said  employer. 

All  these  things  being  duly  performed  and  done  ac- 
cording to  the  true  intent  and  meaning  thereof,  by 
the  said  Burgesss  Mitchell,  the  said  George  Washing- 
ton on  his  part  doth  oblige  himself,  his  heirs  &c*  to 
pay  the  said  Mitchell  the  sum  of  six  pounds  current 
money  of  Virginia — to  pay  likewise  his  Levy  and  Tax 
— and  to  find  him  in  washing  lodging  and  provisions 
to  the  end  of  October  aforesaid.  WITNESS  their  hands 
the  day  and  year  first  above  written 

G9  WASHINGTON. 
BURGIS  MITCHELL, 
Signed  in  presence  of 
WILLIAM  CLIFTON 
THOS.  BISHOP. 


OVERSEER  FOR  AN  OUTLYING  PLANTATION. 

ARTICLES  of  Agreement  made  and  concluded  upon 
this  fifth  day  of  August  one  Thousand  seven  hundred 
and  sixty-two  between  George  Washington  of  Fairfax 
County  Gent?  of  the  one  part  and  Edward  Voilett  of 
the  same  County  Planter  of  the  other  part  WiT- 
NESSETH,  that  the  said  Edw?  Voilett  for  the  considera- 
tions hereafter  to  be  mentioned  doth  covenant  and 
agree  to  and  with  the  said  George  Washington  that  he 
will  well  and  truly  serve  the  said  Washington  his 
heirs  &c?  in  the  capacity  of  an  overseer  at  his  Bull- 
skin  Quarters  in  Frederick  County  for  the  ensu- 
ing 


29 

ing  year;  That  is  to  say  he  will  use  his  utmost  en- 
deavours to  make  a  large  and  good  crop  of  Tobacco, 
Corn  and  what  else  may  be  required — That  he  will 
take  all  necessary  and  proper  care  of  the  Negroes  com- 
mitted to  his  management  using  them  with  proper 
humanity  and  discretion — The  said  Edw?  Voilett  doth 
also  oblige  himself  to  take  all  imaginable  care  of  the 
said  Washington's  stock,  as  well  of  Cattle,  Sheep,  and 
Hogs,  as  of  Horses  ;  and  that  he  will  exert  his  utmost 
skill  and  industry  to  raise  of  each  sort  as  many  as  he 
can,  and  this  he  is  to  do  by  a  diligent  attendance  in 
seeing  to  their  feeding  and  management,  as  well  for 
the  preservation,  and  increase  of  the  stock  themselves 
as  for  the  sake  of  their  dung  to  manure  the  ground 
with — He  also  obligeth  himself  to  be  careful  of  the 
milk  and  to  make  what  butter  he  possibly  can  from 
the  cows  on  the  Plantations  taking  care  tho'  to  let  the 
Negroes  have  the  benefit  of  the  said  milk  after  a 
proper  use  is  made  thereof  and  himself  supplied — He 
doth  further  oblige  himself  to  grow  such  kinds  of 
Tobacco  as  the  said  Washington  shall  direct;  and 
manage  it  as  he  shall  require  ;  especially  he  shall  stem 
one  full  fourth  part  of  his  whole  crop ;  Including  the 
under  Tobacco  and  such  as  is  small,  spotted  or  other- 
wise unfit  for  choice  leaf — he  is  likewise  to  put  no 
more  than  five  leaves  in  a  bundle  the  tye  leaf  included, 
and  to  be  as  nice  as  possible  in  packing  his  Tobacco 
for  prizing  so  that  it  may  appear  at  Inspection  as 
clean,  and  as  neat  as  Tobacco  well  can — and  whereas 
the  said  Washington  keeps  a  sufficient  Waggon,  good 
horses,  and  has  a  fellow  who  can  drive  them,  it  is  ex- 
pected 


30 

pected  that  this  said  Waggon  is  to  bring  down  the 
Tobacco  which  may  be  made  to  Hunting  Ck.  Ware- 
houses, but  if  in  case  it  should  happen  that  other 
Waggons  are  employed  for  this  purpose  that  then  the 
said  Edw?  Voilett  is  to  bear  his  proportionable  part  of 
the  charge  of  the  Tobacco  so  hired  but  otherwise  to 
have  his  share  clear  of  any  expence. — The  said  Edw"? 
Voilett  is  to  get  some  honest  neighbour  of  good  char- 
acter to  see  his  corn  measured  at  I/ofting  time,  and 
after  setting  apart  such  and  so  much  as  will  serve  the 
several  uses  of  the  Plantation  to  pass  his  receipt  for  the 
remainder  and  become  answerable  for  the  forthcoming 
of  it  after  making  the  proper  allowance  for  shrinkage 
— He  is  also  to  keep  the  Key  of  the  Corn  houses,  de- 
livering out  the  same  with  the  greatest  frugality — 
Moreover  the  said  Edward  Voilett  is  to  furnish  himself 
with  a  Bed  &c?  ;  and  is  obligated  by  this  instrument 
of  writing  to  keep  no  horse,  or  any  other  Beast  of  his 
own  at  these  Quarters  and  for  every  Plow  and  two 
work  Creatures  doth  agree  to  allow  a  share  of  Corn. 
LASTLY  the  said  Edw?  Voilett  doth  oblige  himself  to 
take  the  greatest  care  of  all  the  working  Tools  and 
Plantation  utensils ;  and  to  render  an  account  of  them 
whenever  they  shall  be  called  for — to  remain  constantly 
on  the  Plantations  looking  after  his  People — and  in  all 
matters,  or  disputes,  if  any  hereafter  should  arise,  to 
conform  to,  and  abide  by,  the  Rules  and  Customs  in 
the  like  cases. — And  whereas  there  are  a  number  of 
whiskey  stills  very  contiguous  to  the  said  Plantations, 
and  many  idle,  drunken  and  dissolute  People  continu- 
ally resorting  the  same,  priding  themselves  in  de- 
bauching 


bauching  sober  and  well-inclined  Persons  the  said 
Ed?  Voilett  doth  promise  as  well  for  his  own  sake  as 
his  employers  to  avoid  them  as  he  ought;  attending 
closely  to  his  business,  and  follow  all  such  directions 
as  he  may  from  time  to  time  receive  from  the  said 
George  Washington. 

Now  these  things  being  all  duly  performed  and  done 
on  the  part  and  behalf  of  the  said  Edw?  Voilett  the 
said  George  Washington  in  consideration  thereof  doth 
for  himself  his  Heirs  &c?  agree  to  allow  the  said  Ed? 
Voilett  two  clear  shares  of  all  the  Tobacco,  Corn  and 
other  Grain  which  he  may  raise  on  the  aforesaid  Plan- 
tations— But  in  cases  where  services  are  performed  by 
hands  not  under  the  said  Edward  such  as  for  Reaping 
Thrashing  &c?  and  for  which  money  or  &c*  must  be 
paid  that  then  the  said  Ed?  Voilett  is  to  contribute  his 
proportion  towards  defraying  the  said  Expences — The 
said  Geo :  Washington  doth  also  agree  to  allow  y?  said 
Voilett  as  an  encouragement  for  the  care  of  his  stock 
four  hundred  pounds  of  Porke,  one  young  steer  (not  to 
exceed  two  years  old)  and  four  shoats  to  be  under  the 
age  of  twelve  months — He  doth  also  agree  to  allow  the 
said  Ed?  Voilett  to  employ  one  of  the  negroe  women 
upon  the  Plantation  to  assist  at  proper  times  his  the 
said  Edward's  wife  to  milk  churn  and  do  the  necessary 
services  of  the  Dairy  and  for  his  wife's  trouble  and 
management  of  the  same  to  allow  her  one-fourth  part 
of  what  Butter  she  can  make — the  said  Geo :  being  at 
the  expence  of  building  a  good  Dairy  and  furnishing 
it  with  milk  Pans,  Pails,  &c?  .  And  whereas  it  ap- 
pears to  be  the  well  known  intention  of  the  said 

George 


32 

George  Washington  to  have  his  tobacco  made  and 
managed  in  the  best  and  neatest  manner,  which  may 
in  some  measure  lessen  the  quantity — he  doth  as  an 
encouragement  for  the  said  Ed"?  Voilett's  complying 
with  that  requisition  engage  to  give  him  one  shilling 
and  six  pence  pT  hundd  more  for  the  Tobacco  which 
falls  to  his  share  than  the  general  cash  price  which 
that  commodity  bears  upon  Potomack — or  if  any  mer- 
chant or  other  person  chooses  to  bid  for  his  Tob?  ,  in 
that  case  the  said  Washington  will  give  as  much  as 
another  or  leave  him  at  liberty  to  sell  elsewhere,  but 
the  refusal  must  be  given  to  him. 

For  the  true  and  faithful  performances  of  all  and 
each  of  the  several  Articles  herein  contained  as  well 
on  1he  part  of  the  said  Edwd  Voilett  as  on  that  of  the 
said  George  Washington  the  Party's  doth  each  to  the 
other  bind  themselves  their  Heirs  &ca  in  the  penal 
sum  of  twenty-five  p^s  Current  Money  of  Virginia  the 
day  and  year  first  above  written. 

EDWARD  VIOLET*      [SEAI,] 
G9  WASHINGTON         [SEAT,] 

Signed  Sealed  and  Delivered 
in  presence  of 
THO?  BISHOP. 

*  Edward  Violett  (for  that  appears  to  have  been  the  proper  spelling)  was 
in  the  service  of  Washington  till  1765.  In  1762  his  allowances  of  tobacco 
(1854  Ibs)  and  of  corn  (hard  and  soft)  were  valued  at  £id.  12.  ri.  I  find  no 
entries  of  like  allowances  in  1763  and  1764,  but  in  1765  he  had  shares  in  the 
produce  of  tobacco,  hemp  seed,  butter  and  cheese,  valued  in  all  at  ^"33. 
5.  a. 


33 


[FROM  A  SIMILAR  CONTRACT.] 

' '  That  he  will  take  all  necessary  and  proper  care  of 
the  negroes  committed  to  his  management,  treating 
them  with  humanity  and  tenderness  when  sick,  and 
preventing  them  when  well,  from  running  about  and 
visiting  without  his  consent ;  as  also  to  forbid  strange 
negroes  frequenting  their  quarters  without  lawful  ex- 
cuses for  so  doing." 

' '  So  that  the  Tobacco  when  it  comes  to  the  ware- 
house [where  the  said  Washington  will  always  attend] 
may  appear  very  good,  very  neat  and  very  clean.  The 
said  Nelson  Kelly  doth  also  oblige  himself  to  use  his 
best  endeavors  to  get  his  corn  fodder,  and  hay  [if  any 
there  should  be]  in  good  time,  and  not  suffer  those, 
because  he  shares  no  part  of  it,  to  take  greater  damage 
than  other  things. ' ' 

"He  likewise  is,  in  case  the  said  George  should 
judge  it  expedient,  to  beat  the  apples  which  may  be 
found  upon  the  Plantations  into  cyder,  making  as 
much  as  he  can  thereof. ' ' 

' '  And  whereas  nothing  is  more  common  than  for  the 
generallity  of  overseers  to  guess  at  the  compliment  of 
Ground  [both  Corn  and  Tobacco]  which  they  design 
for  a  crop,  by  which  means  they  sometimes  have  not 
half  a  sufficiency,  and  at  others  more  than  they  can 
manage ;  now  to  prevent  these  inconveniences  the  said 
Nelson  Kelly  is  required,  and  obliged  to  count  his 
ground  for  both  Corn  and  Tobacco  with  the  greatest 
care  and  exactness  and  provide  a  proper  quantity  for 
each  and  as  far  as  in  him  lyes  to  have  the  whole 
3  secured 


34 


secured  under  proper  Fencing,  that  his  Tobacco,  as 
well  as  Cora,  may  not  be  exposed  to  such  destruction 
and  loss  as  is  frequently  occasioned  by  horses  and 
cattle's  breaking  of  it  down  and  trampling  thereon." 


AGREEMENT  TO  DISPOSE  OP  CROPS. 

THIS  CONTRACT  made  and  Indented  the  Eighteenth 
day  of  January  Anno  Domoni  One  Thousand  Seven 
hundred  and  Sixty  three  between  George  Washington 
of  Fairfax  County  and  Colony  of  Virginia  Gent?  of  the 
one  part  and  John  Carlyle  and  Robert  Adam  of  the 
County  and  Colony  aforesaid  Gent?  of  the  other  part 
WITNESSETH  that  for  and  in  consideration  of  the  Sums 
and  Covenants  hereinafter  expressed  on  the  part  and 
behalf  of  the  said  John  Carlyle  and  Robert  Adam  the 
said  George  Washington  doth  hereby  agree  for  himself 
his  Heirs  Executors  and  Administrators  firmly  by 
these  presents  to  sell  unto  the  said  John  Carlyle  and 
Robert  Adam  their  Heirs  &c*  all  the  Wheat  which  he 
the  said  George  Washington  his  Heirs  &c*  shall  raise 
for  market  in  the  space  of  seven  years  at  his  Planta- 
tions (now  settled)  in  Fairfax  County,  to  commence 
from  the  sale  of  the  next  wheat  crop  Inclusive  AND 
the  said  George  Washington  doth  further  agree  that 
his  wheat  shall  be  clean  and  as  good  as  the  year  and 
Seasons  will  generally  admit  of  and  to  cause  the  same 
to  be  delivered  as  soon  as  he  conveniently  can  after 
Harvest.  IN  CONSIDERATION  whereof  the  said  John 
Carlyle  and  Robert  Adam  for  themselves  their  and 

each 


35 

each  of  their  Heirs  Executors  and  Administrators  doth 
hereby  agree  to  allow  the  said  George  Washington  his 
Heirs  Executors  Administrators  The  Sum  of  Three 
Shillings  and  nine  pence  current  money  of  Virginia  for 
every  Bushel  of  Wheat  so  delivered  and  doth  oblige 
themselves  &c*  to  receive  the  said  wheat  at  a  good 
Landing  in  the  Town  of  Alexandria  or  upon  Four 
Mile  Run  Creek  where  Flats  of  a  midling  size  can 
conveniently  repair  with  their  Loads  and  this  they 
are  to  do  without  giving  the  said  George  Washington 
or  his  People  any  further  trouble  than  to  deliver  the 
same  at  the  side  of  the  Vessel.  AND  the  said  John 
Carlyle  and  Robert  Adam  for  themselves  their  and 
each  of  their  Heirs  &c?  doth  agree  that  after  the  said 
Flat  or  Flats,  or  other  vessel  or  vessels  is  brought  to 
either  of  the  Landings  aforesaid  (as  they  shall  direct 
and  have  notice  given  them  or  either  of  them  or  their 
Miller  or  Manager)  that  then  the  wheat  is  to  lye  at 
their  Risque  and  remain  their  loss  if  any  is  sustained, 
and  if  any  delays  happen  more  than  is  necessary  to  the 
unloading  the  said  vessel  or  vessels  it  is  to  be  at  their 
costs  that  is  for  each  hand  so  detained  at  the  rate  of 
Two  Shillings  and  six  pence  currency  per  day  and  so 
proportionably  for  hire  of  the  vessel  or  vessels.  LASTLY 
the  said  John  Carlyle  and  Robert  Adam  doth  oblige 
themselves  their  and  each  of  their  Heirs  jointly  and 
severally  to  pay  unto  the  said  George  Washington  his 
Heirs  or  ExecT3  or  his  or  their  order  immediately  upon 
Delivery  of  the  last  Load  of  the  years  Crop  of  wheat 
the  money  for  the  whole  amount  of  the  said  Crop,  ac- 
cording to  the  several  Deliverys  and  receipts  and  this 

without 


36 

without  any  let  hindrance  or  denial  of  him  the  said 
George  Washington  his  Heirs  &ca  And  in  case  any 
part  or  the  whole  should  be  behindhand  or  unpaid 
after  the  delivery  of  the  last  lyoad  as  aforesaid  that 
then  the  said  sum  to  carry  Intere'st  till  the  same  shall 
be  paid.  IN  WITNESS  whereof  the  Party's  to  these 
presents  have  Interchangeably  set  their  hands  and 
seals  the  day  and  year  first  above  written  and  for  fur- 
ther enforcing  the  same  have  Each  to  the  other  passed 
their  Bonds  bearing  equal  date  with  the  Contract  in 
the  penal  sum  of  One  Thousand  pounds  currency.* 
G?  WASHINGTON  [SEAL] 
JOHN  CARLYLE  [SEAL] 

ROBERT  ADAM 
Signed  Sealed  and  Delivered 
in  presence  of 
ROBERT  DAI/TON 
JOHN  DAI/TON. 


"STOCKING"  A  PLANTATION. 

ARTICLES  of  Agreement  made  and  Indented  this 
Twenty  Second  day  of  January  In  the  year  of  our 
I/Drd  One  Thousand  Seven  Hundred  and  Sixty  three 

*In  April  1764  the  first  sale  under  this  contract  appears  to  have  been 
made,—  257}^  bushels.  In  1765,  the  books  show  a  delivery  of  1112%  bushels  ; 
in  1766,  2331^  bushels  ;  in  1767,  1293^  bushels,  and  in  1768,  49945^  bushels  of 
wheat,  and  4304^  bushels  of  Indian  corn.  In  1769  the  wheat  sold  amounted 
to  6241%  bushels,  which  seems  to  have  been  the  maximum  sale.  It  should 
be  remembered  that  wheat  for  sale  or  export  was  comparatively  a  new 
feature  in  the  economy  of  a  Maryland  or  Virginian  plantation,  as  the  com- 
mercial policy  of  the  mother  country  was  designed  to  foster  the  cultivation 
of  tobacco  in  those  colonies,  and  nothing  else. 

between 


37 

between  George  Washington  of  Fairfax  County  and 
Colony  of  Virginia  Esq?  of  the  one  part  and  Christo- 
pher Hardwick  of  the  County  of  Frederick  and  Colony 
aforesaid  Planter  of  the  other  part  WiTNESSETH  that 
the  said  George  Washington  is  hereby  obliged  to  fur- 
nish and  provide  four  good  Negroe  Slaves  to  wit  two 
men  and  two  women  three  of  which  to  be  purchased  in 
the  course  of  the  ensuing  Summer  from  some  Guinea 
Ship  and  also  if  this  scheme  succeeds  well  two  more 
out  of  the  profits  and  to  settle  them  on  a  piece  of  Land 
whereof  the  said  George  is  possessed  in  Hampshire 
County  lying  on  Potomack  River  between  the  Mouths 
of  Great  Cacapehon  and  little  Cacapehon  containing 
by  patent  Two  hundred  and  Forty  acres  and  to  erect 
such  convenient  and  necessary  Buildings  thereon  as 
shall  be  requisite  to  the  designs  and  to  stock  the  said 
Plantation  so  soon  as  sufficient  Provision  is  made  for 
their  support  in  the  following  manner  that  is  to  say 
with  four  Breeding  Mares  Twenty  head  of  Neat  Cattle 
Ten  Sheep  four  Breeding  Sows  and  to  commit  the 
said  Negroes  and  stock  of  every  kind  to  the  immediate 
care  and  management  of  the  said  Christopher  Hard- 
wick  as  also  if  this  scheme  succeeds  well  two  more 
hands  to  be  purchased  out  of  the  profits  but  under  the 
express  Limitations  and  provisos  hereafter  particularly 
mentioned  AND  the  said  Christopher  Hardwick  in  con- 
sideration thereof  doth  by  these  presents  oblige  himself 
his  Heirs  &c?  to  lodge  in  the  hands  of  the  said  George 
Washington  his  Heirs  &c?  on  or  before  the  first  day  of 
January  next  a  certain  sum  of  money  sufficient  for  the 
purchase  of  one  half  the  Negroes  and  Stock  defraying 

the 


38 

the  Expences  of  Building  (except  one  Tobacco  and  a 
dwelling  House  which  is  to  be  erected  wholely  at  the 
costs  of  the  said  George  Washington)  laying  in  Tools 
cloathing  for  Negroes  and  in  short  for  Incident  charges 
of  every  nature  and  kind  whatsoever  AND  the  said 
Christopher  Hardwick  is  to  repair  to  and  settle  immedi- 
ately on  the  said  Land  with  the  Negroe  now  delivered 
to  him  (which  Negroe  is  to  be  received  and  reckoned 
one  of  the  four  above  mentioned)  and  to  use  the  utmost 
diligence  to  prepare  in  the  best  manner  imaginable  for 
the  reception  of  the  others  he  also  obligeth  himself 
firmly  by  these  presents  to  exert  his  true  endeavours 
to  raise  as  much  Tobacco,  Hemp  or  whatever  else  shall 
be  agreed  upon  between  him  and  the  said  George 
Washington  as  the  year  seasons  and  circumstances  will 
allow  of  and  to  practice  the  most  effectual  and  careful 
methods  to  Increase  the  different  species  of  stock  that 
a  profit  may  follow  from  the  sales  thereof  and  the  said 
Christopher  Hardwick  is  hereby  expressly  prohibited 
from  selling  anything  of  what  kind  whatsoever  with- 
out the  leave  and  consent  of  the  said  George  Washing- 
ton which  belongeth  to  the  said  Plantation  and  he 
doth  further  agree  that  whatever  part  or  Moiety  of  the 
Tobacco  falling  to  his  share  shall  be  allowed  for  by  the 
said  George  Washington  (who  is  to  receive  the  whole) 
at  the  curr*  cash  price  which  that  commodity  bears  at 
Alexandria  at  Market  time  and  the  said  Christopher 
doth  hereby  engage  to  exert  his  best  skill  and  en- 
deavours to  make  the  Tobacco  neat  clean  and  mer- 
chantable. He  likewise  engages  to  use  the  greatest 
frugality  and  caution  in  all  his  proceedings  to  expend 

no 


39 

no  money  but  on  unavoidable  occasions  and  to  live  and 
act  as  much  within  himself  as  possible.  AND  the  said 
George  Washington  and  Christopher  Hardwick  doth 
Covenant  and  agree  to  and  with  the  other  that  the 
Partnership  by  these  presents  entered  into  between 
them  shall  remain  and  be  for  and  during  the  full  time 
and  Term  of  Ten  years  to  commence  from  the  first  of 
January  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  sixty  four 
provided  it  appears  that  the  said  Christopher  during 
that  time  conforms  to  the  Articles  of  this  agreement 
and  by  an  honest  sober  and  Industrious  care  pursues 
such  measures  as  shall  tend  to  the  Common  Interest  of 
both  but  if  ever  it  shall  be  found  that  he  grows  sottish 
and  negligent  or  guilty  of  any  mal-practices  it  shall 
then  be  in  the  power  of  the  said  George  to  dissolve  it 
immediately  and  to  recover  damages  according  to  the 
nature  of  the  Offence  and  the  said  George  Washington 
and  Christopher  Hardwick  doth  also  covenant  and 
agree  to  and  with  the  other  that  at  the  expiration  of 
the  said  Term  or  time  of  ten  years  or  otherwise  as  the 
case  may  be  the  said  Negroes  Stock  and  utensils  of 
every  kind  shall  be  divided  between  them  both  but  the 
Land  and  appurtenances  belonging  shall  be  left  in  good 
and  Tenantable  repair  by  the  said  Christopher  and  re- 
vert to  the  sole  and  only  use  of  the  said  George  his  Heirs 
&c*  and  Lastly  the  said  George  Washington  and 
Christopher  Hardwick  doth  further  covenant  and  agree 
by  these  presents  that  the  whole  expence  of  purchasing 
Negroes,  cloa thing  of  them  buying  Stock  Tools  &c* 
together  with  the  charges  of  Building  (except  as  before 
excepted)  and  improving  the  said  Land  bringing 

Tobacco 


4o 

Tobacco  Hemp  Grain  Beef  Porke  Butter  and  other 
tilings  to  market  shall  be  borne  in  equal  proportion 
between  them  during  the  continuance  of  this  partner- 
ship and  that  in  the  case  of  the  Demise  of  the  said 
Christopher  before  the  end  of  the  said  term  that  then 
the  Partnership  is  to  dissolve  of  course.  IN  WITNESS 
whereof  the  Partys  have  interchangeably  set  their 
hands  and  seals  and  entered  into  Bonds  for  perform- 
ance of  Covenants  the  day  and  year  first  above  written. 
G?  WASHINGTON 
CHRISTOPHER  HARDWICK 
Signed  Sealed  and  Delivered 

In  the  presence  of 

WALTER  MAGOWAN 

THOS  BISHOP. 


A  Comparison  drawn  between   Manufactoring  and 
Importing,  the  goods  on  the  other  side,*  viz  : 


[IMPORTING] 

To  500  yds  of  best  cotton  to  supply  ye  place  of  365 
yds.  wool  and  144  yds  L/insey  @/  V^  

£• 

->8 

s. 

d. 
6 

To  773  yds.  of  best  Oznaburgs  as  on  ye  other  side 
@  8d  

25 

TC 

o 

To  40  yards  Huccabuc  @  2/  

o 

o 

IQ 

I 

JC 

o 

To  33  yards  Cotton  @  2/    

16 

74 

18 

7 

6 

\ 

25  p*  ct.  diff.  exch  :    

84 

21 

5 

i 

10 

Currency  

io«; 

7 

*  Based  upon  weaving  done  in  1768. 

[MAKING  ON  THE  ESTATE] 

Wool  to  make  365  and  144  yards  of  woolen  cloth 

vizt  499  Ibs.  @  l/3 32      5      o 

Hemp  to  make  ye  contra  cloth  800  Ibs.  @  4d  .   .    .      13      6      6 
Weaving  the  above  cloth,  that  is  509  yds.  woolen, 

773  yds.  Oznaburgs  cotton,  &ca      30     15     10 

76      7      4 
Balance 28    19    u 

105      7      3 

NOTE. — By  this  account  it  appears  that  the  above  Balance  of  £•&.  19.  n. 
is  all  that  is  to  defray  the  expence  of  spinning,  hire  of  one  white  woman 
and  five  Negroe  Girls,  Cloathing,  victualing,  wheels,  &c» 


A   CARPENTER. 

ARTICLES  of  Agreement  entered  into  this  25th  day 
of  February  anno  Domini  One  thousand  Seven  hundred 
and  seventy  one,  between  Benjamin  Buckler  (late  of  the 
Province  of  Maryland  but  now)  of  Fairfax  County  in 
Virginia  Carpenter  of  the  one  part,  and  George  Wash- 
ington of  the  said  County  and  Colony  Gent?  of  the  other 
part  WITNESSETH  that  the  said  Benjamin  Buckler  for 
the  Considerations  hereinafter  mentioned  doth  by 
these  presents  oblige  himself  to  work  true  and  faith- 
fully at  his  trade  as  a  Carpenter  for  the  said  George 
Washington  from  the  date  hereof  until  the  25^  day  of 
December  next  ensuing ;  that  is  to  say,  he  shall  be 
constant  and  diligent  at  his  business  from  day  break 
till  dark ;  and  if  the  weather  is  such  that  he  cannot 
work  out  of  Doors  or  is  unfit  for  him  to  do  so  that  he 
shall  in  these  Cases  keep  himself  closely  employed  in 
making  of  shoes  for  the  said  George  Washington  or  at 

any 


42 

any  other  business  he  may  be  set  about ;  and  moreover 
is  to  Reap,  or  otherwise  employ  himself  at  harvest  as 
the  exigency  of  business  may  require.  The  said  Benja 
Buckler  doth  further  agree  not  to  absent  himself  from 
the  service  of  the  said  George  Washington  without 
leave,  and  if  it  should  so  happen,  that  by  sickness,  or 
any  other  cause  whatsoever  he  should  lose  any  time 
the  same  shall  be  allowed  for  or  made  up  at  the  years 
end.  And  whereas  the  said  George  Washington  hath 
several  Negro  Carpenters  which  he  proposes  to  put 
under  the  said  Benjamin  in  order  that  they  may  work 
together  and  thereby  be  properly  attended  to  the  said 
Benjamin  Buckler  doth  oblige  himself  to  use  his 
utmost  endeavours  to  hurry  and  drive  them  on  to  the 
performance  of  so  much  work  as  they  ought  to  render 
and  for  this  purpose  he  the  said  Benjamin  is  hereby 
invested  with  sufficient  power  and  authority  which  he 
is  to  make  use  of  and  to  exercise  with  prudence  and 
discretion.  AND  LASTLY,  as  the  said  Benj*  Buckler 
is  in  a  manner  a  stranger  to  the  said  Geo  Washington 
and  is  received  into  his  Service  without  a  proper  Recom- 
mendation, he  the  said  Benj*  doth  hereby  agree  that 
it  shall  and  may  be  lawfull  for  the  said  George  Wash- 
ington if  he  should  hear  anything  disadvantageous  ot 
his  Character,  or  find  him  the  said  Benj*  in  any  re- 
spect dishonest  or  unfaithful  or  if  upon  trial  he  should 
prove  Idle,  and  Negligent,  either  in  his  own  work  or 
in  his  looking  after  those  who  may  be  put  under  his 
charge  to  turn  him  the  said  Benj?  of  [f]  at  any  time 
between  this  and  the  said  25^  of  December  next,  upon 
paying  him  for  the  time  he  has  worked  in  proportion 

to 


43 

to  the  number  of  days  and  season  lie  has  been  in  the 
said  Washington's  service.  IN  consideration  of  these 
things  well  and  traely  performed  and  done  by  the  said 
Benj  Buckler  the  said  George  Washington  doth  promise 
and  engage  on  his  part  to  let  the  said  Benj'1  Buckler 
have  a  House  for  himself  wife  and  children  to  stay  in 
during  the  aforementioned  term,  that  he  will  find  the 
said  Benjamin  with  Three  hundred  pounds  of  Porke 
and  three  Barrels  of  Corn  and  will  moreover  at  the  ex- 
piration of  the  above  term  fully  compleated  and  ended 
according  to  the  true  intent  and  meaning  hereof  pay 
or  cause  to  be  paid  unto  the  said  Benj*  Buckler  the 
Sum  of  Twenty-five  pounds  curr.y  For  the  true  and 
faithful  performance  of  all  and  singular  these  Articles 
the  Parties  each  to  the  other  do  bind  themselves  in  the 
full  and  just  sum  of  Fifty  pounds  the  day  and  year  first 
written. 

BENJA    X    BUCKLER 

mark 

G?  WASHINGTON 
Signed  &  Sealed 
in  the  presence  of 
LUND  WASHINGTON 


HIRE)  OF  A  GARDENRR. 

ARTICLES  of  Agreement  made  this  Eleventh  day  of 
January  One  thousand  Seven  hundred  and  Seventy 

*In  a  subsequent  agreement  with  Caleb  Stone,  as  "overlooker"  to  Wash- 
ington's negro  carpenters,  said  Stone  -will  "to  the  best  of. his  knowledge 
and  skill,  instruct  all,  and  every  of  the  said  negroes  which  may  be  put  un- 
der [him]  in  the  Art  and  Mistery  of  the  trade  of  a  Carpenter  (or  Cowper  if 
they  should,  at  any  time,  be  employed  in  this  business.)" 

three, 


44 

three,  Between  David  Cowan  late  of  Fredericksburg 
Gardener  of  the  one  part,  and  George  Washington  of 
Mount  Vernon  in  Fairfax  County  Gentleman  of  the 
other  part,  WITNESSETH  ;  that  the  said  David  Cowan 
for  the  hire,  and  other  consideration's  hereafter  men- 
tioned, doth  Covenant  and  agree  to  serve  the  said 
George  Washington  for  the  space  of  a  year  from  the 
date  hereof,  in  the  capacity  of  a  Gardener;  and  that 
he  will  work  duely  and  truely,  during  that  time,  at  the 
business;  as  also  when  need  be,  or  when  thereunto 
required,  employ  himself  in  Grafting,  Budding,  and 
pruning  of  Fruit  Trees  and  Vines — likewise  in  saving, 
at  proper  seasons,  and  due  order,  Seeds  of  all  kinds — 
And  the  said  David  Cowan  doth  also  covenant  and 
agree  to  behave  himself  Honestly,  soberly  and  peace- 
ably, in  the  Family  whilst  he  abides  therein ;  and  that 
he  will  not  only  stick  closely  to  the  work  himself,  but 
make  others  which  may  be  with  him,  do  so  likewise  ; 
and  moreover,  that  he  will  allow  for  all  his  own  lost 
time — THESE  THINGS  being  true  and  faithfully  per- 
formed on  the  part  of  the  said  David  Cowan,  the  said 
George  Washington  doth  hereby  oblige  himself,  his 
Heirs,  &c?  to  pay  him  the  said  David  Cowan  the  sum 
of  Twenty  five  pounds  currT  for  the  year,  and  to  fur- 
nish him  with  washing,  lodging  and  Diet — IN  TESTI- 
MONY of  this  agreement,  the  Parties  have  hereunto  set 
their  hands  and  seals,  the  day  and  year,  first  above 
written. 

DAVID  COWAN  [SEAT.] 

G?  WASHINGTON        [sEAiJ 
Witness 

THO?  BISHOP. 


45 


HIRE  OF  A  NEGRO. 

Memorandum. 

On  the  day  and  year  underwritten,  we  the  sub- 
scribers, to  wit,  Philip  Langfit,  and  George  Washing- 
ton have  entered  into,  and  by  these  presents  doth 
oblige  ourselves,  our  heirs,  Executors  and  Administra- 
tors to  abide  by,  the  following  Agreement. 

THAT  IS  TO  SAY, 

The  said  Philip  Langfit  doth  agree  to  hire  unto  the 
above  named  George  Washington  for  and  during  the 
term  and  time  of  Three  years  to  commence  from  the 
date  here  of  a  certain  Negroman  slave  named  Nase 
(a  Cowper  by  Trade  and  now  in  the  possession  of  the 
said  George  Washington)  for  the  consideration  here- 
after to  be  named — and  during  that  period  to  suffer  the 
said  Geo:  Washington  to  have  hold,  and  detain  the 
slave  and  him  as  of  his  lawful  right  and  property  to 
keep  without  any  let,  hindrance  or  molestation  from 
him  the  said  Langfit  his  Heirs,  Executors,  Adminis- 
trators or  Assigns,  or  any  other  person  or  persons 
whatsoever  during  the  continuance  of  the  aforesaid 
term  of  three  years  from  this  date — And  the  said  Philip 
Langfit  doth  farther  agree  to  and  with  the  said  George 
Washington  that  if  the  said  Negro  Nase  should  happen 
to  die  before  the  expiration  of  the  three  years  as  afore- 
said, or  shall  be  disabled,  or  by  any  other  means  the 
said  George  Washington  shall  be  deprived  of  the  use 
and  benefit  of  his  labour  that  an  allowance  for  the  time 

so 


46 

so  lost  shall  be  made  in  proportion  to  the  sum  stipu- 
lated for  the  whole  term  of  three  years. 

The  said  George  Washington  on  his  part  agreeing 
to  cloath  &  feed  the  said  Negro  Nase  in  the  manner 
Negro's  generally  are  Cloathd  &  Fed ;  &  to  pay  his 
I^evy  &  other  Taxes ;  and  moreover  to  advance  the 
said  Philip  Langfit  the  Sum  of  Fifty  pounds  Virga 
Currency  as  a  full  compensation  for  the  three  years 
Services  as  above,  the  same  to  be  fully  compleated  & 
ended  agreeably  to  the  true  intent  &  meaning  of  the 
Parties  otherwise  the  said  Philip  Langfit  his  heirs  &ca 
is  to  refund  in  proportion  to  the  time  wanting  of  the 
three  years  Services  as  aforesaid. 

To  the  true  and  faithful  performance  of  this  agree- 
ment the  Parties  have  interchangeably  set  their  hands 
and  seals  and  each  to  the  other  doth  bind  himself,  his 
Heirs,  Kxr.s  &  Admr.s  in  the  penal  sum  of  Fifty  pounds 
Curry  this  sixteenth  day  of  Dec^  1773. 

PHIU,  LANGFITT 
Witness        * 

L,UND  WASHINGTON 

*  Washington's  signature  has  been  cut  off. 


IMPORTING  PALATINES. 


WASHINGTON  TO  JAMES   TILGHMAN,  JR. 

\February  1774.] 

DEAR  SIR.  I  am  going  to  give  you  a  little  trouble, 
because  I  am  persuaded  you  will  excuse  it — No  good 
reason  you'll  say,  but  the  best  I  can  offer  for  such  a 
liberty.  Interested,  as  well  as  political  motives,  render 
it  necessary  for  me  to  seat  the  lands  which  I  have 
patented  on  the  Ohio  in  the  cheapest,  most  expedi- 
tious, and  effectual  manner.  Many  expedients  have 
been  proposed  to  accomplish  this,  and  none,  in  my 
judgment,  so  likely  as  by  importing  of  Palatines :  but 
how  to  do  this  upon  the  best  terms,  is  a  question  I 
wish  to  be  resolved  in.  Few  of  these  kind  of  people 
ever  come  to  Virginia ;  whether  because  it  is  out  of 
the  common  course  of  its  trade,  or  because  they  them- 
selves object  to  it,  I  am  unable  to  determine.  I  shall 
take  it  very  kind  of  you,  therefore,  to  resolve  the  fol- 
lowing questions,  which  I  am  persuaded  you  can  do 
with  precision,  by  enquiring  of  such  gentlemen  as 
have  been  engaged  in  this  business. 

Whether  there  is  any  difficulty  in  getting  them  in 
Holland  ?  And  from  whence  does  it  proceed  ?  Whether 
they  are  to  be  had  at  all  times,  or  at  particular  sea- 

(  47  )  sons> 


48 

sons,  and  when  ?  Whether  they  are  engaged  previous 
to  the  sending  for  them,  and  in  what  manner?  Or  do 
ships  take  their  chance,  after  getting  there?  Upon 
what  terms  are  they  generally  engaged  there?  And 
how  much  per  poll  do  they  commonly  stand  the  im- 
porter, landed  at  Philadelphia?  Is  it  customary  to 
send  an  intelligent  German  in  the  ship  that  is  to  bring 
the  Palatines?  Does  vessels  ever  go  immediately  to 
Holland  for  them,  and  if  they  do  what  cargos  [do  they] 
carry?  Or,  are  they  to  go  round,  and  what  round? 
In  short  what  plan  would  be  recommended  to  me  by 
the  knowing  ones,  as  best  to  import  a  full  freight,  say 
two  or  three  hundred,  or  more  to  Alexandria  ?  In  case 
of  a  full  freight,  how  are  the  numbers  generally  pro- 
portioned to  the  tonnage  of  a  vessel? 

Your  favor  in  having  these  several  queries,  an- 
swered, with  any  other  information  which  you  may 
think  necessary  for  me  to  be  informed,  I  shall  grate- 
fully receive,  as  I  am  totally  unacquainted  with  every- 
thing of  the  kind. 

The  hard  and  continued  frost  since  the  [  ]  has 
confined  everybody  to  their  own  homes,  so  that  I  have 
nothing  new  to  entertain  you  with.  Wheat  in  Alex- 
andria has  been  in  brisk  demand  all  the  year,  and  kept 
almost  invariably  at  5/  pT  bushel.  Flour  has  also  met 
with  a  pretty  ready  sale  at  i2/-  Jack  Custis  could  not 
be  content  till  he  had  got  a  yoke  fellow  in  Nelly  Cal- 
vert,  to  whom  he  was  married  the  3d  instf  I  hope, 
tho'  you  have  removed  from  this  part  of  the  world, 
you  do  not  mean  to  forsake  us  altogether,  and  that  it 
is  unnecessary  to  add,  that  I  shall  at  all  times  be 

happy 


49 

happy  in  seeing  you  at  this  place.  My  best  respects 
attend  your  good  Father,  sisters,  and  brothers ;  and 
with  very  sincere  regard,  I  remain,  &c. 

G?  WASHINGTON. 


ROBERT  ADAM  TO  WASHINGTON. 

ALEXANDRIA,  14  February,  1774. 
Coll?  Washington. 

Sir, — In  regard  to  your  design  of  importing  Palatines 
into  Virginia,  I  believe  it  would  be  attended  with  some 
difficulty  from  several  circumstances.  They  are  in 
general  much  prejudiced  against  coming  into  Virginia 
or  Maryland,  as  in  either  they  are  not  allowed  the 
same  liberty  of  conscience  in  enjoying  their  own 
religion.  This  naturally  inclines  them  more  to  Penn- 
sylvania, as  well  as  the  number  of  their  countrymen 
already  settled  in  that  government.  They  are  gen- 
erally brought  in  there  by  return  ships  that  have  carried 
sugar  or  rice  to  some  port  of  Holland,  and  I  am  in- 
formed they  have  not  the  same  liberty  of  transporting 
themselves  they  usually  had,  and  that  the  same  num- 
ber does  not  come  to  Pennsylvania  there  formerly  did. 
They  are  brought  off  now,  as  it  were,  by  stealth,  and 
not  suffered  to  bring  any  effects  with  them.  There  are 
no  cargos  that  can  be  shipped  from  this  country  to 
Holland  till  they  are  first  landed  in  some  port  of  Eng- 
land. As  many  of  the  Glasgow  ships  go  there  with 
tobacco,  if  you  intended  such  a  plan,  it  would  be  best 
to  engage  one  of  them  to  bring  them  out  on  the  best 
terms  you  could.  They  are  generally  put  on  board  at 

so 


50 

so  much  a  freight,  a  full  grown  person  makes  a  freight ; 
under  sixteen  years  of  age,  three  persons  make  two 
freights,  and  children  in  proportion.  The  vessels  made 
them  pay  I  believe  about  eight  pounds  sterling  a 
freight,  after  they  come  into  this  country  ;  but  if  the 
money  was  advanced  them  in  Holland,  I  suppose 
better  terms  might  be  made,  perhaps  between  4  or  5  £ 
a  freight.  There  would  be  a  necessity  for  you  to  send 
a  trusty  Dutchman  or  German  home  to  engage  the 
people,  and  make  them  fully  acquainted  with  the  en- 
couragement you  intend  them,  in  order  to  help  to  wipe 
off  the  general  disgust  they  have  at  coming  to  this 
country.  But  I  should  imagine  the  Scotch  or  Irish 
farmers  would  suit  you  as  well  and  would  be  much 
easier  got  in.  Many  of  them  might  be  got  here  at  this 
time,  as  they  are  much  distressed  in  their  own  country. 
I  shall  endeavor  to  inform  myself  better  of  the  Palatine 
trade  and  inform  you  hereafter. 

There  is  no  currants  to  be  had  in  town,  nor  D.  re- 
fined sugar.  I  have  sent  two  loaves  of  single  refined 
and  a  ps.  common  [  ].  Wheat  I  suppose  will 

answer  the  purpose  you  intend  it.  The  Molasses  I  be- 
spoke for  you  some  time  ago  is  gone.  Mr.  Henley 
says  Mr.  Washington  was  to  advise  him  in  a  day  or 
two  if  he  took  it,  and  not  hearing  from  him  disposed  of 
it.  Capt.  Conway  has  none.  I  can  get  you  a  hhd. 
from  Mr.  Hartshorn,  he  says  very  good ;  but  I  have 
not  yet  seen  it.  There  is  reasins  to  be  got  if  they  will 
do  in  place  of  the  currants.  I  am  respectfully,  Sir, 
your  most  humble  servant. 

ROBERT  ADAM. 


WASHINGTON  TO  HENRY  RIDDELL. 

MOUNT  VERNON,  22  February,  1774. 

Sir, — Mr.  Young,  hearing  me  express  a  desire  of 
importing  Palatines  to  settle  on  my  lands  on  the  Ohio, 
tells  me,  that,  in  discoursing  of  this  matter  in  your 
company,  you  suggested  an  expedient,  which  might 
probably  be  attended  with  success ;  and  that  if  I  in- 
clined to  adopt  it,  you  wished  to  be  informed  before 
the  sailing  of  your  ship. 

The  desire  of  seating  and  improving  my  lands  on 
the  Ohio,  is  founded  on  interested  as  well  as  political 
views.  But  the  intention  of  importing  Palatines  for 
the  purpose  was  more  the  effect  of  sudden  thought, 
than  mature  consideration,  because  I  am  totally  unac- 
quainted with  the  manner,  as  well  as  the  expense  of 
doing  it ;  and  was  led  into  the  notion  principally  from 
a  report  of  either  this  or  some  other  ship  of  yours  be- 
ing blamed,  for  not  taking  an  offered  freight  of  these 
Germans  at  forty  shillings  sterling.  I  was  thus  in- 
duced to  think  if  this  charge  was  not  much  accumu- 
lated by  other  expenses,  that  I  could  fall  on  no  better 
expedient  to  settle  my  lands  with  industrious  people, 
than  by  such  an  importation. 

The  terms  upon  which  I  have  thought  of  importing 
Palatines,  or  people  from  Ireland,  or  Scotland,  are 
these ;  to  import  them  at  my  expense  where  they  are 
unable  to  transport  themselves,  into  the  Potomac 
River,  and  from  hence  to  the  Ohio ;  to  have  them,  in 
the  first  case  engaged  to  me  under  indenture ;  in  the 

second, 


52 

second,  by  some  other  contract  equally  valid,  to  be- 
come tenants  upon  the  terms  hereafter  mentioned ;  as 
without  these  securities,  I  would  not  encounter  the 
expense,  trouble  and  hazard  of  such  an  importation. 

But  to  make  matters  as  easy  and  agreeable  as  pos- 
sible to  these  emigrants,  I  will  engage,  on  my  part, 
that  the  indentures  shall  be  considered  in  no  other 
light,  than  as  a  security  for  reimbursing  to  me  every 
expense  I  am  under,  with  interest,  in  importing  them, 
removing  them  to  the  land,  and  supporting  them  there, 
till  they  can  raise  a  crop  for  their  own  subsistence,  giv- 
ing up  the  said  indentures,  and  considering  them  alto- 
gether as  freemen  and  tenants,  so  soon  as  this  shall 
happen ;  not  to  each  person  or  family  respectively,  but 
when  the  whole  accumulated  expense  shall  be  dis- 
charged ;  as  I  must  for  my  own  safety,  consider  them 
as  justly  bound  for  this  payment,  till  the  expiration  of 
the  indented  terms,  otherwise  I  must  be  an  inevitable 
loser  by  every  death  or  other  accident;  whilst  they 
cannot,  in  the  worst  light,  be  considered  as  more  than 
servants  at  large  during  the  indented  term.  I  can 
also  engage  to  set  them  down  upon  as  good  land  as 
any  in  that  country ;  and,  where  there  is  neither  house 
built,  nor  land  cleared,  I  will  allow  them  an  exemp- 
tion of  rent  four  years;  and  where  there  is  a  house 
erected,  and  five  acres  of  land  cleared  and  fit  for  culti- 
vation, two  years. 

They  shall  have  the  land  upon  lease  for  twenty -one 
years,  under  the  usual  covenant ;  and  also  at  an  annual 
rent,  after  the  first  becomes  due,  of  four  pounds  ster- 
ling for  each  hundred  acres,  allowing  each  family  to 

take 


53 

take  more  or  less,  as  inclination  and  convenience  may 
prompt,  and  I  will,  moreover,  engage  to  renew  the 
leases  at  the  expiration  of  the  above  twenty -one  years  ; 
and  in  like  manner,  at  the  end  of  every  seven  years 
afterwards,  upon  an  increased  rent,  to  be  agreed  on 
between  the  landlord  and  tenant;  or  in  order  to  fix 
the  matter  absolutely,  if  this  should  be  more  agreeable, 
the  rent  may  be  increased  at  these  periods  in  propor- 
tion to  the  increased  value  of  that,  or  the  adjoining 
lands  possessed  of  equal  advantages  of  soil  and  situa- 
tion. 

These  are  the  terms  on  which  I  thought  to  import 
and  plant  people  on  my  Ohio  lands,  which  are,  for  the 
quantity,  equal  if  not  superior  to  any  in  that  country  ; 
situate  altogether  upon  the  Ohio,  or  Great  Kenhawa, 
two  fine  inland  navigable  rivers,  abounding  in  fish  and 
wild  fowl  of  all  sorts,  as  the  lands  do  in  wild  meats  of 
the  best  kind. 

From  Alexandria  to  the  navigable**  waters  of  the 
Ohio,  along  a  much  frequented  road  used  by  wagons, 
is,  according  to  the  computed  distance,  two  hundred 
miles.  This  land-carriage,  if  the  inland  navigation  of 
the  Potomac  should  be  effected,  than  which  I  think 
nothing  easier,  will  be  reduced  to  sixty  miles  as  matters 
now  stand ;  some  say  to  forty,  and  others  to  twenty. 
But  call  it  the  greatest  distance,  any  commodity  made 
upon  any  part  of  these  lands  of  mine  may  be  trans- 
ported along  a  very  easy  water-communication  to  the 
settlement  of  Red-stone,  where  the  land  carriage  at 
this  time  begins.  To  say  nothing,  therefore,  of  the 
advantages  of  raising  stock  of  all  kinds,  and  horses, 

which 


54 

which  will  carry  themselves  to  market,  and  are  now 
and  will,  from  the  nature  of  things,  continue  to  be  in 
great  demand  in  the  interior  parts  of  this  great  conti- 
nent, hemp,  flax,  pot-ashes,  indigo,  and  the  like,  will 
well  afford  the  expenses  of  this  land-carriage,  admit- 
ting it  never  may  be  reduced,  and  can  be  cultivated  to 
advantage  on  the  river  bottoms  in  that  country. 

Having  thus  exhibited  a  general  view  of  my  design, 
I  shall  now  be  obliged  to  you,  Sir,  to  inform  me  with 
as  much  precision  as  you  can,  what  certainty  there  is 
that  your  ship  will  go  to  Holland;  what  probability 
there  is  of  her  getting  Palatines,  if  she  does  go;  when 
they  may  be  expected  in  this  country ;  what  would  be 
the  freight;  and,  as  near  as  you  can  judge,  the  whole 
incidental  expense  attending  each  person  delivered  at 
Alexandria;  and,  moreover,  whether  it  would  be  ex- 
pected, that  the  whole  of  these  charges,  including 
freight,  should  be  paid  down  immediately  on  the  ar- 
rival of  the  shrp1  here,  as  it  must  appear  rather  hard  to 
make  a  certain  provision  for  an  uncertain  event. 

It  may  not  be  amiss  further  to  observe,  that  I  see  no 
prospect  of  these  people  being  restrained  in  the  smallest 
degree,  either  in  their  civil  or  religious  principles; 
which  take  notice  of,  because  these  are  privileges  which 
mankind  are  solicitous  to  enjoy,  and  upon  which  emi- 
grants must  be  anxious  to  be  informed. 

I  wrote  to  Philadelphia  by  the  last  post  for  full  infor- 
mation of  the  manner  and  charge  of  importing  these 
people  from  Holland ;  and  if  your  account  in  answer  to 
this  letter  should  prove  agreeable  to  my  wishes,  I  will 
send  a  more  particular  description  of  the  lands  which  I 

wish 


55 


wish  to  settle,  as  well  as  copies  of  the  plots,  and  do 
any  other  matter  which  may  be  judged  necessary  to 
further  the  design.  I  am,  etc. 


HENRY  RIDDEUv  TO  WASHINGTON. 

PlSCATAWAY,  24  February,  1774. 

Sir, — I  was  unluckily  from  home  when  Mr.  Young 
brought  your  letter  of  the  22d,  to  this  place,  otherwise 
an  answer  would  have  been  sent  you  by  him. 

When  Mr.  Young  mentioned  in  conversation  your 
desire  of  importing  Palatines  to  settle  your  lands  on 
the  Ohio,  the  remembrance  of  Capt.  Hyndman's 
having  refused  to  accept  a  freight  of  500  of  these 
people,  produced  in  me  a  thought,  that  perhaps 
through  the  channel  of  our  company's  agent  at  Rotter- 
dam, the  number  you  want  might  be  procured ;  and  as 
our  ships  frequently  come  from  thence  to  this  country, 
the  importing  of  them  might  be  of  advantage  to  both 
of  us.  This  reflexion  induced  me  to  acquaint  you  by 
Mr.  Young,  that  a  trial  of  this  kind  could  be  made 
which  if  agreeable  to  you,  I  could  do  my  utmost  to 
make  successful.  But  here  it  is  necessary  to  inform 
you  that  my  only  view  of  profit  in  this  scheme,  is  from 
the  freight.  I  have  no  other.  I  would  propose,  that 
you  should  be  charged  with  the  money  advanced  for 
procuring  the  Palatines,  if  imported  at  your  expense, 
and  to  be  liable  for  interest  on  that  money  till  paid ; 
also  to  be  accountable  for  the  freight  when  the  people 
are  landed  here,  which  is  customary. 

With 


56 

With  regard  to  the  success  of  this  scheme  I  can  give 
you  no  certainty.  The  Captain  who  refused  the 
freight  above  mentioned,  told  me,  that  the  German 
princes  whose  territories  lie  upon  the  Rhine  had  pro- 
hibited their  subjects  from  emigrating  to  America, 
but  that  the  people  get  away  privately,  come  down  the 
Rhine  in  families,  and  land  at  Rotterdam,  where  they 
wait  for  shipping.  The  500  Palatines  or  Germans 
offered  him  were  such  people  as  above  described. 
They  had  money  sufficient  to  bring  them  here,  and 
offered  two  guineas  pr.  poll  freight,  they  to  lay  in  their 
own  provisions.  A  ship  bound  to  Philadelphia  ac- 
cepted the  offer. 

The  only  way  I  can  point  out  for  making  a  trial  of 
this  kind  is  for  you  to  write  a  letter  of  instructions,  in 
which  can  be  inserted  the  terms  on  which  you  could 
chuse  to  contract  with  Germans,  the  provision  you 
have  in  view  for  them,  and  any  other  thing  which  may 
tend  to  bend  the  minds  of  these  people  to  a  settlement 
in  Virginia ;  and  also  to  point  out  the  distinction  in 
making  contracts  with  those  who  may  have  money 
sufficient  to  bear  their  charges,  and  those  who  may 
not.  This  letter  of  instruction  I  would  forward  im- 
mediately, that  means  may  be  used  to  engage  the 
people  before  the  ship's  arrival  at  Rotterdam,  and  if 
the  plan  succeeds,  I  will  agree  to  transport  them  to 
this  country  for  two  pounds  sterling  pr.  poll,  you  to  be 
at  the  expense  of  laying  in  their  provisions  and  stores, 
we  to  find  them  ship  room,  and  to  land  them  either  at 
your  landing  or  at  Alexandria. 

I  can  certainly  say  that  some  of  our  company's  ships 

will 


57 

will  go  to  Rotterdam  this  ensuing  summer,  and  it  is 
probable  this  will  be  the  destination  of  the  ship  to  load 
at  the  mouth  of  Piscataway  Creek ;  if  so,  her  arrival  in 
this  country  from  thence  may  be  in  August  or  Septem- 
ber. But  I  cannot  with  precision  say  what  the  Ger- 
mans may  cost  you  landed  here.  For  my  own  part,  I 
am  unacquainted  with  the  business  any  further  than 
the  information  which  Capt.  Hyndman  gave  me  last 
summer.  From  what  he  said,  I  conjecture  that  the 
Germans  imported  into  this  country  lately  paid  their 
own  charges,  but  how  they  are  provided  for,  or  dispose 
of  themselves  after  being  imported,  is  what  I  am  en- 
tirely ignorant  of.  However,  this  I  could  know  by 
writing  to  Philadelphia. 

It  would  give  me  pleasure  to  be  of  service  to  you  in 
this  importation,!  and  am,  Sir,  your  ever  humble  ser- 
vant, 

HENRY  RIDDEU,. 


JOHN  ROSS  TO   ROBERT  ADAM. 

PHILADELPHIA,  i  March,  1774. 

Sir, — I  have  before  me  your  favor  of  i8th,  ult?  ,  come 
only  to  my  hand  by  this  post,  and  in  answer,  have  to 
inform  you  that  the  expenses  attending  the  importation 
of  German  passengers  have  been  so  great  of  late  years, 
that  it  is  not  by  any  means  an  object  of  attention  to 
have  any  concern  in  that  trade.  I  have  had  no  con- 
nection in  that  way  these  three  or  four  years,  and  those 
who  have  embarked  pretty  much  therein,  have  got  so 

heart 


58 

heart  sick  of  their  concern  in  that  way,  that  they  have 
now  totally  declined  it.  Rotterdam  is  the  place  where 
the  Germans  are  shipped  from,  but  the  charges  attend- 
ing each  before  you  can  secure  them  and  get  them  on 
board  prove  at  times  so  considerable,  that  those  who 
have  not  been  concerned  can  scarcely  credit.  The 
Germans  cannot  easily  be  prevailed  on  to  embark  to 
any  part  of  America,  but  that  of  Pennsylvania.  Most 
of  those  that  leave  the  Country  have  many  connections 
in  this  province,  and  no  condition  can  possibly  recon- 
cile the  generality  of  them  to  embark  for  any  of  the 
other  provinces.  Flour  is  entirely  prohibited  in  Hol- 
land, nor  can  I  think  of  any  thing  that  might  answer 
from  this  country  to  be  sent  thither. 

When  log-wood  paid  a  freight,  the  shipping  em- 
ployed in  that  trade,  took  frequently  a  cargo  of  wood 
in  at  the  Bay,  with  which  they  proceeded  in  the 
winter  or  early  in  the  spring  for  Rotterdam.  But  that 
business  being  quite  overdone,  most  of  the  vessels  go 
from  England  or  some  ports  in  Europe  in  ballast,  and 
credit  on  I/mdon  to  take  their  reimbursement  for  the 
charges  of  the  vessel,  outfits,  etc.  Such  a  vessel  as 
may  have  about  two  hundred  freights,  will  probably 
require  from  a  thousand  to  ,£1500  sterling  outfits, 
possibly  more,  as  it  depends  on  the  debts  the  people 
may  contract  in  getting  down  from  Germany  to  Hol- 
land. 

I  could  not  undertake  the  delivering  of  any  number 
of  Germans  with  you,  knowing  the  difficulty  of  getting 
them  to  agree  to  their  going  to  any  other  place  except 
that  of  Pennsylvania,  where  they  have  hopes  of  meet- 
ing 


59 

ing  their  relations,  or  old  acquaintances.  Some  family 
might  possibly  be  engaged  after  [seal']  to  this  place, 
but  as  they  have  their  own  terms  to  make  respecting 
the  time  they  serve  to  redeem  them,  it  is  no  easy 
matter  to  treat  with  them.  A  native  of  Germany  that 
resided  in  your  country  and  could  describe  such  ad- 
vantages as  they  might  have  by  going  thither,  might 
help  to  influence  them. 

Excuse  hurry.     In  the  meantime  believe  me  to  be 
with  respect,  Sir,  your  very  humble  servant, 

JN?  ROSS. 


WASHINGTON  TO  HENRY 

MOUNT  VERNON,  i  March,  1774. 

Sir, — On  Sunday  afternoon  your  favor  of  the  24^ 
ult?  came  to  my  hands.  As  you  profess  to  know  but 
little  of  the  expence  attending  the  importation  of  Pala- 
tines, and  it  is  a  business  I  am  totally  ignorant  of  my- 
self, I  am  afraid  to  plunge  into  it  without  further  con- 
sideration and  advice,  and  therefore  must  lay  aside  my 
scheme,  altogether  or  in  part,  for  the  present;  but  as  I 
have  already  given  you  a  general  view  of  my  plan  to 
which  I  beg  leave  to  refer,  I  would  first  ask  whether 
it  is  of  importance  enough  to  any  of  your  ships  coming 
from  Rotterdam  hence,  to  take  in  a  freight  of  about  80 
or  an  hundred  of  these  Germans,  provided  that  number 
of  men,  or  men  and  their  wives,  with  not  more  than 
one  child  to  a  family,  could  be  had  under  the  usual  in- 
denture ?  If  this  could  be  done,  I  would  at  all  events 

make 


6o 

make  tryal  of  that  number  and  kind;  but  do  not  incline 
to  encounter  the  inconvenience  and  expence  of  families 
incumbered  with  many  children,  as  these  would  only 
add  to  my  expences  without  contributing  to  my  design. 
I  will  either  consider  these  people  as  my  property  dur- 
ing their  indented  term,  affording  them  a  reasonable 
and  necessary  support  and  maintenance,  and  receive 
the  fruits  of  their  labor  during  the  stipulated  servitude; 
or,  if  they  will  be  jointly  bound  for  each  other,  and  let 
their  indentures  remain  as  security  (which  is  all  the 
security  the  nature  of  the  case  will  admit  of),  that  all 
the  expence  I  am  put  to  in  importing,  planting  and 
supporting  them  on  the  land  till  they  can  raise  a  crop 
for  themselves,  shall  be  repaid  me  with  interest,  they 
may  be  considered  as  free  people,  and  appropriate  the 
fruits  of  their  labor  (having  regard  to  my  disburse- 
ments) in  any  manner  they  please.  In  the  latter  case 
they  must  be  considered  from  the  first  as  tenants,  upon 
the  terms  mentioned  in  my  last.  In  the  first  case  they 
will  go  to  the  land  under  the  favorable  circumstances 
and  assurances  of  becoming  tenants  at  the  expiration  of 
their  indented  term,  upon  the  very  farms  they  have 
have  been  making,  so  that  in  fact  they  will  ultimately 
reap  the  benefit  of  their  own  labor,  bestowed  at  my  ex- 
pence  during  their  servitude.  This  much  for  the  in- 
dented people.  As  to  those  who  are  able  and  desirous 
of  paying  the  expence  of  their  own  passages,  I  can  be 
under  no  engagement  to  them,  unless  it  be  a  reciprocal 
one :  that  is,  I  will  encounter  no  expence  or  engage  in 
no  promise  to  them  if  they  are  left  at  large  with  me; 
although  I  could  undertake,  upon  their  engaging  to  be- 
come 


6i 

come  tenants  upon  the  terms  mentioned  in  my  last,  to 
provide  them  in  good  land  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
others;  so  as  they  might  form  an  entire  settlement  of 
their  own,  there  being  land  enough  (belonging  to  me) 
to  afford  comfortable  farms  for  300  families. 

If  you  think  you  can  supply  me  with  this  number 
of  Palatines,  of  these  kinds,  and  upon  these  terms, 
I  should  be  glad  to  know  it  between  this  and  Satur- 
day, as  I  shall  then  undertake  a  journey  from  which  I 
shall  not  be  returned  till  the  2oth  of  March;  and  in 
whatever  manner  you  think  a  more  formal  proposition 
or  declaration  of  my  intention  (than  is  contained  in 
this  and  my  former  letter)  should  be  made,  please  to 
point  it  out,  and  to  whom  it  is  to  be  addressed,  and  I 
will  endeavor  to  do  it.  In  the  meanwhile,  I  have  to 
thank  you,  Sir,  for  your  obliging  offers  to  serve  me  in 
this  matter,  and  to  assure  that  I  am,  your  most  obedi- 
ent, humble  servant, 

G9  WASHINGTON. 


HENRY   RIDDEU,  TO  WASHINGTON. 

PISCATAWAY,  2  MARCH,  1774. 

Sir, — I  cannot  certainly  engage  to  import  the  num- 
ber of  Germans  mentioned  in  your  letter  of  the  i!1,  for 
owing  to  my  ignorance  of  the  trade,  I  have  no  consist- 
ent principles,  or  anything  like  a  certainty,  to  induce 
me  to  enter  on  a  positive  agreement  for  the  delivery  of 
these  people  here.  But  should  you  choose  it  I  can  for- 
ward to  Rotterdam  the  terms  you  offer  such  Germans 
as  are  able  to  export  themselves,  and  also  the  terms 

you 


62 

you  offer  those  who  are  not,  and  therefore  must  come 
under  indenture  before  exportation.  Should  the  peo- 
ple accept  of  these  terms,  the  ship  will  bring  them  out; 
if  not,  you  will  be  subjected  to  no  other  inconvenience 
than  a  delay  in  the  settlement  of  your  lands  for  a  few 
months.  With  regard  to  those  people  who  are  able  to 
export  themselves,  no  money  will  be  required  from  you 
or  us  to  set  them  down  here;  but  in  exporting  the  in- 
dented servants,  some  charges  which  do  not  now  occur 
to  us,  may  be  required.  Would  it  not,  therefore,  be 
proper  that  you  inform  me  of  the  price  pT  poll  you 
would  be  satisfyed  to  give,  for  the  delivery  of  such 
servants  here,  that  in  calculating  the  expence,  my 
friends  might  keep  within  your  limits.  Altho  the 
number  you  mention  is  small,  yet  if  you  choose  to  be 
troubled  with  no  more  for  the  present  I  will  endeavor 
to  get  you  these,  but  can  make  no  positive  agreement 
to  deliver  them  here.  It  will  be  necessary  that  you 
mention  the  number  of  years  the  indented  servants 
must  agree  for,  and  should  you  relish  this  plan,  I  will 
give  orders  that  no  others  than  such  as  you  describe, 
shall  be  engaged.  I  am,  Sir,  your  most  obedient  ser- 
vant, 

HENRY  RIDDBLL. 


WASHINGTON  TO  HENRY 

MOUNT  VKRNON,  5  March,  1774. 

Sir, — The  reasons  which  you  assign  for  not  under- 
taking positively  to  furnish  me  with  the  number  and 
kind  of  Palatines  mentioned  in  my  last  letter,  I  must 

confess 


63 

confess  are  cogent.  At  the  same  time  it  obliges  me, 
under  that  uncertainty,  to  lay  aside  the  scheme  until  I 
can  be  advised  from  Philadelphia  (to  which  place  I 
had  written  for  information  previous  to  your  first  con- 
versation with  Mr.  Young)  of  the  expence  and  cer- 
tainty attending  a  measure  of  this  kind.  For  the  dis- 
advantage on  my  side,  of  standing  bound  to  provide 
for  these  people  if  they  do  come,  and  having  no  cer- 
tainty of  receiving  them,  is,  that  if  any  other  scheme 
should  cast  up  in  the  meanwhile,  I  dare  not  embrace 
it,  nor  engage  tenants  singly,  as  they  occasionally  may 
offer,  as  I  have  no  doubt  of  many  doing,  when  there 
are  houses  and  lands  prepared  to  their  hands;  other- 
wise I  might  be  involved  in  difficulties  from  which  I 
could  not  easily  extricate  myself.  But  if  it  is  neces- 
sary to  you  to  know  (on  account  of  giving  the  earliest 
information  to  your  correspondent)  whether  these  peo- 
ple will  be  wanting,  or  not,  before  I  can  return  from 
Berkeley,  Frederick,  &c.,  I  shall  have  no  objection 
towards  importing  the  number  and  kinds  mentioned  in 
my  last,  provided  they  will  come  indented  to  me,  or 
my  assigns,  in  the  usual  manner  for  four  years;  and  be 
sold,  if  I  find  it  my  interest  to  do  so  (as  they  are  in 
Philadelphia)  as  common  servants,  during  that  term. 
I  cannot  suffer  much  from  the  uncertainty,  if  they  are 
to  be  had  upon  these  terms,  and  I  see  no  reason  why 
they  may  not  as  well  come  here  as  to  Philadelphia, 
except  that  the  latter  is  the  general  rendezvous  of 
them.  It  may,  therefore,  rest  with  you,  Sir,  to  write 
immediately  or  not,  for  eighty  or  a  hundred  of  such 
kinds  as  I  mentioned  in  my  last,  as  you  shall  find  it 

your 


64 

your  interest;  and  I  will,  upon  their  arrival  at  Piscata- 
way,  pay  you  the  freight  down,  as  also  the  contingent 
charges  with  interest,  as  soon  after  as  I  possibly  can, 
in  case  I  should  not  find  it  convenient  to  deposit  the 
whole  sum  at  once. 

If  you  should  not  think  the  project  of  consequence 
enough  to  the  interest  of  ^your  ship,  to  attempt  it,  I 
must  decline  the  importation  altogether  for  the  pres- 
ent. If  on  the  other  hand  you  incline  me  to  make  the 
experiment,  I  shall  rely  on  your  friendship  to  recom- 
mend to  the  captain  or  person  who  is  to  provide  the 
stores,  to  lay  them  in  upon  the  best  terms,  and  be  gov- 
erned by  the  customary  allowance,  both  in  respect  to 
quantity  and  quality,  taking  care  to  have  no  stint  of 
the  first,  as  the  surplusage  can  be  accounted  for  upon 
the  delivery  here.  I  shall  add  no  more  at  present, 
than  that  I  am,  &c, 

G9.  WASHINGTON. 


RIDDELL  TO  WASHINGTON. 

PISCATAWAY,  18  March,  1774. 

Sir, — I  return  you  Mr.  Ross's  letter,  and  will  think 
no  further  of  importing  Germans,  the  difficulty  attend- 
ing it  being  so  great.  I  am,  etc. 

HENRY 


WOELPER  TO  WASHINGTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  23  March,  1774. 

HONNOUR?  SIR.  When  I  Return  Last  from  Will- 
iams-Burg I  was  Favourt  with  your  Letter  Dated  feby. 
7*h  I  most  Humble  pegg  your  pardon  in  not  observ- 
ing my  Duty  upon  your  favour  Rec?  Dated  the  i  of 
NovT  1773:  I  was  In  expectaision  to  have  the  Hon- 
nour  to  waited  upon  you  In  a  littel  Time  after  I  Rec"? 
it,  but  I  was  prevented  by  the  wather. 

My  Tract  of  Land  which  I  have  by  govenors  Dun- 
woodie  proclamaision,  I  sold  it  Last  when  I  come  up 
from  W™s  Burg.  I  am  greatly  oblige  to  you,  for  your 
addveice. 

Of  your  Honnour  Choose  to  buy  my  claim  of  the 
2000  acers,  for  which  I  got  my  warrant,  in  the  king's 
proclamaision,  1763,  you  are  will  come  to  it.  If  you 
can  get  the  warrant  altnerd  to  a  nother  county,  where 
you  pleass. 

Sir,  as  you  have  some  Intainsion  to  Impord  some  of 
my  Countery  man,  To  Sattlen  on  your  Land,  and  to 
Resolve  your  Quistion,  which  you  has  macke,  to  your 
Servant,  to  which  I  will  give  you,  my  Humble  answer, 
to  the  best  of  my  knowledge,  and  Informmaision,  by 
the  aldish  (?)  pallatains,  Importer,  Samuel  Hamel,  as 
for  The 

i.  It  is  Some  Times,  a  great  dificultay  to  get  them, 
In  Holland,  or  Garmany,  on  acco*  of  the  Interpreters 
(:  or  what  the  coalled  Newlanders:)  when  these  go  up 
to  Garmany,  some  Tack  up  some  monye  by  the  mar- 
chant 


66 

chant  Inholland,  and  some  not,  when  they  come  back 
to  holland,  the  march*  there,  effect  them  Some  monye, 
who  give  most  to  him,  will  get  all  the  peopell  which 
come  with  him.  The  never  get  less  than  a  Garman 
Ducat,  which  is  this  currency  14  Shilling,  Some  Times 
20  Shilling. 

2.  They  are  not  to  be  had  at  all  Times,  but  in  the 
month  of  Mag,  June,  July,  and  Augst.     So  when  this 
Newlanders  Ingage  Some  Fameles,  in  garmany,  they 
aquint  the  march1,  in  Holland,  who  many  Fraight  they 
have  upon  this,  they  get  the  Ship  Reathy,  it  must  be 
one  Kngelish  vessell,  no  Hollandish  Dears  come  haire, 
or  bring  annye  pallatains  in    they  sent  for  this  vessells 
to  Engeland. 

3.  How  they  are  procouret  in  holland,  I  maintion  it, 
In  the  first  articual,  and  upon  their  arrival  in  holland, 
they  muss  be  shipped  and  provision  Found,  Till  they 
are  all  together,  that  the  ship  can  be  I^oadet  In  2  or  3 
dags,  etc.     If  the  ship  is  provoidet  to  Rec"?  them  on 
Boart  and  with  provision,  then  they  do  Seat  of  — 

4.  Upon  what  Terms,  they  are  generaly  expected, 
and  how  mosh  a  head  will  stand,  is  the  first,  viz. 

1  Ducat  to  Ihe  Newlander 

2  the  Rhine  Fraight 

3  the  provision 

4  the  passage  over  Seas 

5  a  lyittel,  which  they  called  head  mony,  in  holland, 
which  may  stand,  between  12.  or  23  £  Virginia  Currency 
a  Fraight,     a  Fraight  Is  a  man,  or  a  woman,  and  one 
that  is  24  yarrs  old,  and  under  24  yarrs  to  4  yarrs,  one  is 
a  half  a  Fraight,  and  under  4  yarr,  they  are  free,  but 

this 


67 

this  get  no  Bet  statt(?)  now  provisions  is  the  whole  ex- 
pencies,  except  a  Littel  for  Medicain. 

5.  It  is  not  custommary  to  sent  Some  Body  to  gar- 
many  to  bring  them  Down  to  holland  (:  which  I  main- 
tion  in  my  first  articular:)  as  These  Newlanders  make 
a  Sort  of  Trad  of  it,  MT  Howel  says  it  will  better  to 
Sent  Some  Body  with  good  Commission  and  an  agray- 
ment  up  to  Garmany,  That  they  may  sign  an  agray- 
ment,  Then  they  cannot  be  persuadet  away  from  him 
by  another  Newlander,  or  March*  'in  Holland,  and  they 
will  be  chipper,  then  to  get  them  in  Holl? ;  whereas 
the  Newlanders  can*  bring  them  on  to  spent  or  ad- 
vance them  monye,  with  which  they  charge  them  with- 
out their    knowledge,  which  mackes  the  Fraight  so 
high  to  25,  30,  36^,  which  will  be  prevented. 

6.  A  Vessell  may  go  Immediately  to  Holland,  with 
its  I<oad,  paying  the  Duty  in  Engeland.     Let  them 
have  Tobacco,  Tare,  pitch,  this  articuals  are  the  best 
marcket  in  Ambster  Dam,  or  Rother  Dam,  and  will 
never  faill. 

7.  I  maintion'd  in  the  6th  articual  what  marcket  will 
suit  best,  as  for  the  whole  Cargo  Garmans  may  cost 
Mr.  Howel,  which  Imported  this  30  yarrs  saiys  it  will 
amount  to  25  or  z'Soo  £  Starling,  300  Fraight  in  a  ves- 
sell  which  cary  2000  or  2500  barel  of  Flower.     N.  B. 
Nobody  can  give  annye  aco*  by  the  Famelis,  because 
some  are  strang  in  Number,  with  2,3.4  Sons,  and  it 
may  be  so  mainy  Dachters,  some  in  Number  4  or  5  in 
all,  and  some  no  more  but  2  or  3  in  a  Famely. 

8.  They  are  logged  in  Bed  Stats,  macke  of  boards, 
6  feet  long  and  2  feet  waith.     This  Bed  Stats  are  so 

Regulatted, 


68 

Regulatted,  acorting  to  the  vessel.  Some  Bed  Stat  are 
made  for  2.3.4.5.6  Fraight  to  hold,  and  to  Lay  in  it, 
and  to  keep  Theries  Nessisary  by  them.  The  other 
paggach  must  be  but  Down  in  the  hold. 

I  went  to  some  Friend,  bud  non  could  give  me  bet- 
ter advice  then  what  I  know,  and  Mr.  Howel  Toll  me. 
I  most  Humble  aqaint  you  with  all  particulars,  who 
this  Famelis  can  be  had,  and  Imported.  Mr.  Howel 
atweisses  and  Fincke,  it  will  be  best  if  a  man  gos  up 
to  garmany,  he  will  bring  them  chiper,  and  so  mainy 
as  him  pleases,  as  they  generally  are  imported,  as  I 
maintioned  in  the  5th  articual,  with  good  powers  of 
adorny  and  on  agrayment,  how  you  will  hold  them 
upon  the  Land. 

Hon"?  Sir,  you  was  pleased  to  ask  me,  If  I  would 
Inclaine  to  go  to  Holland.  It  is  true,  I  macke  a  sort 
of  promiss  to  not  go  to  Sea  again.  If  your  Hon^  shall 
Intrusst  me  with,  I  will  act  that  you  shall  have  no 
Reason  to  complain  against  me,  If  God  spare  my  Leife 
and  health. 

As  for  Terms,  I  will  Liffe  it  to  your  Hon^  Self. 
You  know  very  wel  when  a  man  Travels,  he  cant  save 
as  when  he  is  at  home  a  man  must  be  all  most  a  yar 
to  go  from  Till  his  Return.  I  shall  keep  good  hause, 
as  it  Lais  in  my  power.  You  know  very  well  that  I 
am  no  Drincker  or  Spent  Extrarody. 

That  this  Peopell  will  come  over  upon  better  Terms, 
and  none  the  better,  as  half  so  moch,  as  they  commonly 
stand,  a  Fraight  will  not  stand  so  hight,  to  bring  them 
Down  upon  the  Land,  on  Ohio,  as  they  Stand,  when 
they  come  to  Philad* 

That 


69 

That  they  may  loocke  upon  themself  as  your  prop- 
erty is  no  more  but  Just  till  they  Reimburse  your 
monye  again,  affter  this  to  get  a  Leais,  for  one  or 
more  zoo  acres,  to  pay  Rent,  and  after  the  times  is  ex- 
paiert  to  renew  it  again.  That  you  expect  that  they 
would  be  jointly  bound  together  for  their  proformens, 
It  will  be  Just. 

When  I  shall  have  the  HonT  to  waited  upon  you,  I 
would  proposs  to  you,  which  will  be,  I  believe,  far 
better  to  your  Indress,  That  is  to  saiy,  some  fraight 
will  be  that  come  over  from  Holl^  or  Garmany,  will 
be  singel  men  or  women.  Those  can  be  dissposed  of 
and  Rathy  cash  rec?  for  them,  this  cash  can  be  aploy? 
for  expences  to  Transport  their  Famelis  down  to  your 
Land. 

Sir,  as  I  have  answerd  to  you  Dissener,  I  will  pro- 
posse  some  thing  to  you,  If  you  tacke  it  in  your  Con- 
si  teraision,  I  believe,  it  would  be  best,  and  not  half  so 
moch  expences  as  to  Import  some  Garmans. 

That  is  to  saiy  to  Draw  an  agrayment  how  you  want 
to  settlen  your  Land,  and  to  get  it  printed  and  a  man 
go  from  Court  to  Court  house,  in  Court  Times,  That 
you  promiss  to  Tack  them  up  in  a  Sertain  place,  on 
the  Rooth,  to  bring  them  to  pitts  Burg,  and  to  provoid 
for  them,  There  to  Tack  them  down  by  wather,  as  far 
as  the  Connoss  can  go  up  and  down,  and  find  them 
(:Till  they  macke  a  Crop:)  with  provision,  as  you 
Thincke  proper,  as  to  Reimbursement  the  Sarnie,  as 
by  the  Garmans. 

Sir,  I  belive  you  will  get  as  mainy  as  you  pleas. 
This  Famely  will  know  allratty  how  to  worck  in  this 

parts. 


70 

parts.  In  particular,  If  you  provoid  some  stock  for 
those  which  are  going  for  3  yars,  and  then  to  Devoid 
the  stock,  by  this  mains  you  will  get  your  monye 
sooner,  as  by  the  former,  when  you  get  your  Chair  of 
Cattels,  and  when  they  have  some  Steers,  you  Tack 
them  on  you  for  your  payment,  or  on  your  Debt.  If  it 
Cost  you  so  mainy  pounds  as  to  bring  in  Garmans, 
with  Kxpences,  and  to  buy  Cattels,  and  expences  to 
pitts  Burg,  and  if  one  accident  shall  happenet  by  them, 
that  a  men  Died,  There  will  be  constand  a  nother  that 
will  Tack  the  widow.  By  the  other  if  a  father  Died, 
and  a  parsall  of  smal  Childern  be  Lefft,  what  will  you 
do  with  them. 

Hon?  Sir,  If  you  shall  choose  the  first,  It  will  be 
best  to  Imploy  a  vessell  here,  and  Load  it,  with  To- 
baco.  In  failing  of  Tobaco,  sent  it  to  Carolina,  to  get 
Reice,  Tare  and  pitch,  which  will  save  agreatyle  ex- 
pences, and  there  must  be  made  out  some  agent  in 
Holland,  in  good  Times  to  procur  good  and  sound  pro- 
vision, and  all  nessisarys,  and  in  need  some  monye. 
I  suppose  your  HonT  has  a  Corresponds  in  Engeland. 
If  not  Mr.  Howel  here  will  (:  I  believe:)  macke  out 
one  for  you  in  Holland.  This  vessell  must  be  Rathy, 
finish  when  they  peopel  come  Down  the  River  Rhine  to 
Tacke  them  In,  which  will  save  a  greatilly  expences. 

Honnourd  Sir,  I  am  your  Most  Humble  and  Most 
obet:  serv* 

J.  D.  WOELPPER.* 

*"  Congress  having  resolved  to  raise  a  Regiment  of  Germans  to  coun- 
teract the  designs  of  our  Enemies,  I  must  beg  leave  to  recommend  to  their 
notice  John  David  Wilpert  now  a  first  lieutenant  in  Col.  Shee's  Battalion, 

to 


JAMES  TILGHMAN,  JR.,  TO  WASHINGTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  7  APRIL,  1774. 

DEAR  SIR.  The  Reason  of  my  not  giving  a  speedier 
Answer  to  yours  of  the  17th  February,  was  owing  to 
my  being  out  of  Town  when  it  arrived.  I  have  had 
some  conversation  upon  the  subject  of  it  with  some  of 
the  gentlemen  in  the  Palatine  Trade,  and  shall  think 
myself  fortunate,  if  any  information  that  I  can  give 
may  be  of  the  least  service  to  you  in  this  affair.  I 
have  talked  about  it  particularly  with  Mr.  Robert 
Morris,  whose  judgment  in  a  matter  of  this  nature  I 
would  rely  upon  more  than  that  of  any  man  I  know. 
His  opinion  is  against  your  sending  out  a  ship  for  Pal- 
atines for  the  following  reasons,  which  appear  to  me 
good. 

The  expence  of  chartering  a  ship,  and  the  money 
that  must  be  advanced  in  the  purchase  of  the  servants 

to  the  office  of  captain  in  said  Regiment ;  I  am  personally  acquainted  with 
him  and  know  that  he  Joined  the  Virginia  forces  under  my  command  in  the 
year  1754  and  continued  in  service  the  whole  War,  during  which  he  con- 
ducted himself  as  an  active  vigilant  and  brave  officer  he  is  a  German,  and 
his  merit  as  a  soldier  entitles  him  much  to  the  office  he  wishes  for." — Wash- 
ington to  the  President  of  Congress,  8  July,  1776. 

July  iTth,  "  David  Wilper"  was  appointed  a  captain  of  a  company  to  be 
added  to  the  German  battalion.— -Journals. 

"  Congress  having  been  pleased  to  appoint  Mr.  Wilper  to  the  command  of 
a  company  in  the  German  battalion  now  raising,  I  have  directed  him  to  re- 
pair to  Philadelphia  for  their  orders.  From  my  acquaintance  with  him,  I 
am  persuaded  his  conduct  as  an  officer  will  meet  their  approbation,  and 
thanking  them  for  their  kind  [attention  to  my  recommendation  of  him,  i 
have  the  honor,  &c." — Washington  to  the  President  of  Congress,  22  July, 
1776. 

(for 


72 

(for  we  are  not  allowed  to  send  any  thing  from  hence 
to  Holland,)  would  be  exceeding  high,  and  the  loss  to 
which  the  importer  is  subject  by  their  dying  is  often 
very  great  and  always  considerable;  their  being  crowded 
together  a  great  number  of  them  in  a  ship  makes  con- 
tagious Disorders  frequent  amongst  them,  which  often 
carry  off  great  numbers  of  them,  especially  if  they 
happen  to  have  a  tedious  passage.  But  granting  no 
accident  of  this  kind  should  happen,  Mr.  Morris  is  of 
opinion  that  you  may  purchase  them  in  Philadelphia 
upon  much  better  Terms  than  you  can  import  them. 
The  Reason  of  it  is  this:  the  People  here  generally 
prefer  the  Children  to  the  Men  and  Women,  so  that  the 
latter  are  commonly  left  upon  the  Importer's  Hands, 
after  the  former  are  all  sold,  and  as  the  expence  of 
maintaining  them  is  very  heavy,  they  are  willing  to 
get  rid  of  them  upon  any  Terms.  Mr.  Morris  told  me 
that  the  last  Fall  he  would  have  sold  thirty  or  forty 
Families,  such  as  you  want,  for  one  half  what  they 
cost  him.  Another  advantage  in  purchasing  here  is 
that  you  may  get  12  or  18  months'  credit  for  the  Pay- 
ment of  them.  Mr.  Morris  thinks  the  Trade  so  troub- 
lesome and  precarious  that  he  has  declined  it,  but  was 
kind  enough  to  tell  me  that  he  would  gladly  give  his 
advice  and  assistance  in  procuring  them  upon  the 
easiest  Terms,  which  I  know  will  be  very  much  in  his 
power,  should  you  conclude  to  purchase  here;  or  should 
you  determine  rather  to  import  them  yourself,  he  will 
in  that  case,  supply  you  with  necessary  and  full  Direc- 
tions on  that  Head. 

I  have  passed  but  a  gloomy  winter  in  Philadelphia; 

my 


73 

my  disorder  was  more  deeply  rooted  than  I  at  first  im- 
agined. I  am  now  tolerably  well  recovered;  the  sweet 
spring  seems  to  have  brought  me  a  fresh  supply  of 
health  and  spirits,  and  I  hope  shortly  to  be  once  more 
myself.  My  happiness  is  still  increased  by  the  agreeable 
Prospect  that  I  have  of  shortly  seeing  all  my  Friends 
in  Virginia.  I  shall  leave  Philadelphia  in  a  week,  and 
in  one  week  more  hope  to  pay  a  visit  to  Mount  Vernon. 
Be  good  enough  to  present  my  best  compliments  to 
Mrs.  Washington,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Custis,  and  Mr.  Iy. 
Washington,  and  believe  me,  most  respectfully  and 
sincerely  yours, 

JAMES  TILGHMAN,  Jim?* 

*  This  scheme  came  to  naught.  Washington  purchasing  some  servants 
and  negroes,  and  hiring  some  laborers,  sent  two  parties  to  the  Ohio,  but 
they  broke  up  soon  after  reaching  his  lands.  See  Writings  of  Washington, 
(Ford's  Edition),  ii,  451;  iii,  128. 


ADVERTISEMENT. 


FAIRFAX  COUNTY,  23  April,  1775. 

FORTY  DOLLARS  REWARD. — Ran  away  from  the 
subscriber  on  the  igth  instant,  at  night,  two  servant  men, 
viz.  THOMAS  SPEARS,  a  joiner,  born  in  Bristol,  about 
20  years  of  age,  5  feet  6  inches  and  a  half  high,  slender 
made.  He  has  light  grey  or  blueish  colored  eyes,  a 
little  pock-marked,  and  freckled,  with  sandy  colored 
hair,  cut  short;  his  voice  is  coarse,  and  somewhat 
drawling.  He  took  with  him  a  coat,  waistcoat,  and 
breeches,  of  light  brown  duffil  [Duffield],  with  black 
horn  buttons,  a  light  colored  cloth  waistcoat,  old 
leather  breeches,  check  and  oznabrig  shirts,  a  pair  of 
new  milled  yarn  stockings,  a  pair  of  old  ribbed  ditto, 
new  oznabrig  trowsers,  and  a  felt  hat,  not  much  the 
worse  for  wear.  WILLIAM  WEBSTER,  a  brick  maker, 
born  in  Scotland,  and  talks  pretty  broad.  He  is  about 
5  feet  6  inches  high  and  well  made,  rather  turned  of 
30,  with  light  brown  hair,  and  roundish  face.  He  has 
an  olive  colored  coat,  pretty  much  worn,  with  black 
horn  buttons,  duffil  waistcoat  and  breeches  (same  as 
Spears' s),  oznabrig  trowsers,  and  check  and  oznabrig 
shirts.  They  went  off  in  a  small  yawl,  with  turpen- 
tine sides  and  bottom,  the  inside  painted  with  a  mix- 

(  74  )  ture 


75 

ture  of  tar  and  red  lead.  Masters  of  Vessels  are  cau- 
tioned against  receiving  of  them,  and  the  above  re- 
ward is  offered  to  any  person  who  will  deliver  them  at 
my  dwelling-house  in  this  county,  or  TWENTY  DOLLARS 
for  each  of  them. 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 
—  The  Virginia  Gazette,  4  May,  1775. 


INDENTURE  OR  COVENANT. 


§Ttbettfttre,  Made  the  Fourteenth  Day  of  No- 
vember in  the  ffifteenth  Year  of  the  Reign  of  our  Sov- 
ereign I/3rd  George  the  third  King  of  Great  Britain, 
&c.  And  in  the  Year  of  our  L,ord  One  Thousand 
Seven  Hundred  and  seventy  four  Between  Charles  Bush 
of  Southwark  in  the  County  of  Surry  Labourer  of  the 
one  Part,  and  Frederick  Baker  of  London  Mariner  of 
the  other  part  Witnesseth  That  the  said  Charles  Bush 
for  the  Consideration  hereinafter  mentioned,  hath,  and 
by  these  Presents  doth  Covenant,  Grant  and  Agree  to, 
and  with  the  said  Frederick  Baker,  his  Executors,  Ad- 
ministrators and  Assigns,  That  he  the  said  Charles 
Bush  shall  and  will,  as  a  Faithful  Covenant  Servant, 
well  and  truly  serve  Fred:  Baker  his  Executors,  Ad- 
ministrators or  Assigns,  in  the  Plantation  of  I  irginia 
&  Maryland  beyond  the  Seas,  for  the  space  of  Five 
Years  next  ensuing  his  Arrival  in  the  said  Plantation, 
in  the  Employment  of  a  Servant.  And  the  said  Charles 
Bush  doth  hereby  Covenant  and  declare  him  self,  now 
to  be  of  the  Age  of  eighteen  Years  and  no  Covenant  or 
Contracted  Servant  to  any  Person  or  Persons.  And 
the  said  Frederick  Baker  for  himself  his  Executors,  and 
Assigns,  in  Consideration  thereof  do  hereby  Covenant, 

(  76  )  Promise 


77 

Promise  and  Agree  to  and  with  the  said  Charles  Bush 
his  Executors  and  Administrators,  that  he  the  said 
Fred.  Baker  his  Executors,  Administrators  or  Assigns, 
shall  and  will  at  his  or  their  own  proper  Cost  and 
Charges,  with  what  Convenient  Speed  they  may,  carry 
and  convey  or  cause  to  be  carried  and  conveyed  over 
unto  the  said  Plantation,  the  said  Charles  Bush  and 
from  henceforth  and  during  the  said  voyage,  and  also 
during  the  said  Term,  shall  and  will  at  the  like  Cost 
and  Charges,  provide  and  allow  the  said  Charles  Bush 
all  necessary  Cloaths,  Meat,  Drink,  Washing,  and 
Lodging,  Fitting  and  Convenient  for  him  as  Covenant 
Servants  in  such  Cases  are  usually  provided  for  and 
allowed.  And  for  the  true  Performance  of  the  Prem- 
ises, the  said  Parties  to  these  Presents  bind  themselves, 
their  Executors  and  Administrators,  the  either  to  the 
other,  in  the  Penal  Sum  of  Thirty  Pounds  Sterling, 
firmly  by  these  Presents,  gn  'gSifneSS  whereof  they 
have  hereunto  interchangeably  set  their  Hands  and 
Seals,  the  Day  and  Year  above  written. 

the  mark  of 
CHARLES  X   BUSH.     [SEAI,.] 

Sealed  and  delivered 
in  the  Presence  of 
J.  PATTINSON 
C.  CAPON. 

^i|C$C  arc  fo  CCrfrflJ,  that  the  above-named  Charles 
Bush  came  before  me  Thomas  Pattinson  Deputy  to  the 
Patentee  at  Grave 'send  the  Day  and  Year  above  written, 

and 


78 

and  declared  himself "to  be  no  Covenant  nor  Contracted 
Servant  to  any  Person  or  Persons,  to  be  of  the  Age  of 
eighteen  Years,  not  kidnapped  nor  enticed,  but  desirous 
to  serve  the  above-named  or  his  assigns,  five  Years,  ac- 
cording to  the  Tenor  of  his  Indenture  above  written. 
All  of  which  is  Registered  in  the  office  for  that  Purpose, 
appointed  by  the  Letters  Patents.  ,3 it  mifueSS  whereof 
I  have  affixed  the  common  Seal  of  the  said  office. 

THO!  PATTINSON, 

D.  P. 
ENDORSEMENT: 

"January  22^d  1775.     The  Ship  Elizabeth  arrived  at 
her  moorings." 

FREDERICK  BAKER. 


THE  LIBRARY 
UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 

Santa  Barbara 


THIS  BOOK  IS  DUE  ON  THE  LAST  DATE 
STAMPED  BELOW. 


Series  9482 


UC  SOUTHERN  REGIONAL  LIBRARY  FACILITY 


AA    000917129    9 


3  1205  00201  0245 


